The capital of tango.
People who live on tango live on the tourists, especially with the present crisis...
The Tango Mundial championship counts on several features like markets for clothes and the shoes that are used to dance tango, and also jewels, discs and photographies. Between the competition-pairs that arrive from the outside Argentine, there are some coincidences: all take advantage of the trip to become qualified taking classes and, of course, concurring to whatever milongas they can. Many are to the front of their own milongas, academies or companies of dance. And they do not speak to gain the championship as objective of the trip, but rather to learn, to amuse themselves, to live the experience, to represent well their countries... The economic situation indicates that the more devaluated, the more friends of the foreign. So the supply is the tangodistrict, with hotels five stars including, milongas for all the tastes. There are tanguerías, tango-schools, tango-studies, academies, and the industry of tanguero souvenir is multiplied until unsuspected limits. Four of each ten tourists mention the tango as reason to travel to Buenos Aires. During tango festivals and competition contests, the hotel sector, the traditional articles such as souvenirs, tango discs, books and videos, beneficiaries with the presence of the foreign tourists. It generates dividends in the gastronomy, the fashion and the transport. Tangomusic moves around the world about 3,000 million dollars, of that single total 1% (30 million) correspond to Argentina. The invasion of foreign tangueros changes the old milonga codes: " Before we were always such that we rotated by milongas. The codes changed to please them, drain the dancefloor to you to put more tables. The idea that they have is to put much people and it does not concern the quality of the dance space ".

Mentality Changes
After the dirty-war of the 1976-1983 dictatorship, democracy was restored in Argentina and people became aware of the importance of being respectful about human rights and being tolerant toward different ideas, ideologies, sexual orientation, and ethnic and racial differences. Now, Buenos Aires is viewed as one of the most progressive cities in South America. The city is in the midst of a tourism boom since the Argentine peso lost two-thirds of its value shortly after the country's 2001 economic collapse. An added attraction for all visitors is the legendary good looks of the well-dressed Argentinians. Small wonder that the sex tourism industry for both heterosexuals and gays is booming, fuelled by demand from an increasing number of tourists and an economic depression that has induced many young people to work in escort agencies. The number of escort agencies is growing, and many students from the interior of the country are financing their studies in Buenos Aires this way.
Acompañantes escort list here

Buenos Aires Night Ghosts

    So, when you’re all dressed up to hit the milongas, you probably cross dark shadows searching for garbage in the streets of Buenos Aires. They are called “cartoneros / cartoneras”, once factory workers, farmers, or low-wage workers who lost their jobs during Argentina's 2002 economic collapse and are since surviving by collecting cardboard, plastic and glass from the wealthy neighborhoods of Buenos Aires and selling them to recycling companies. Working as a cartonera, or trash scavenger, involves going through bags of rubbish and separating out the material into different bags. When the Argentine economy collapsed in late December 2001, the residents of José León Suárez, a neighborhood on the outskirts of Buenos Aires, were among the first to lose their jobs. In the following months many, faced with the prospect of starvation, joined piquetero organizations (Movimientos de Trabajadores Desocupados, MTDs) informal networks dedicated to mutual aid and often destructive political protest. In José León Suárez, residents successfully lobbied the government to begin nightly train service from their community to the more salubrious neighborhoods of downtown Buenos Aires, where cartoneros, cardboard collectors, sort through the day's trash in search of recyclable material that can be exchanged for money.
    Today, according to the International Red Cross, some 2,000 cartoneros use the train. Volunteers staff a nursery school so that children will have a safe place to be while their parents are at work every night. In the evening, the cartoneros pile on to a government-supplied train, a stripped-down wreck without seats, heat for the winter, or air-conditioning for the summer. El Tren Blanco, or the “white train,” as most cartoneros call it, leaves downtown Buenos Aires before dawn. Most Argentines never see the cartoneros. The poor, as everyone knows, are invisible. Aware of their invisibility, the cartoneros have taken to calling the train El Tren del Fantasma, or the “Ghost Train.”

UNA NOCHE EN EL TREN "CARTONERO" (video 1)

    Not so long ago, Daniela Cott was one of those Buenos Aires' 'cartoneras', one of the many people scavenging through rubbish on the streets of Argentina's capital. Daniela says it wasn't a nice way to make a living and she didn't like doing it but had to do it to help her family. Then, in mid-2005, Daniela’s cinderella story from cartonera to model began: One evening, Ms. Marina González Winkler, a necklace designer, saw Daniela Cott on the street wearing a baseball cap and carrying a couple of trash bags. Noting that Ms. Cott was about her size, the designer offered her some clothes she wasn't wearing anymore. Ms. Cott gratefully accepted. The next evening Ms. Cott showed up at Ms. González's door with a bloody hand she'd cut on a tin can. Ms. González helped bandage the wound, and their friendship was sealed. One day in early 2006, Ms. González shot photos of Ms. Cott on her terrace modeling sportswear she'd given her. " 'You weren't born to be a cartonera,' " Ms. Cott recalls her friend saying. Ms. González took the shots to a powerful modeling agent, Ricardo Pineiro. The agency gave Ms. Cott a free modeling course, with lessons on applying makeup, walking in high heels and conversing with designers. Daniella Cott gradually stopped working as garbage recycler to focus on her new career.
    In 2006, a friend of Ms. González's who owned a youth-oriented clothing label gave Ms. Cott her first job as a photographic model. Last year, Ms. Cott's representatives approached another designer, Vanesa López, who was preparing for a fashion show. Ms. López says she pondered how an association with a cartonera would affect the label that bears her name. "There's a lot of discrimination in Argentina," Ms. López says. Ultimately, Ms. López says, "I decided to take a chance and try to turn Cinderella into a princess." Ms. López said Daniella Cott was a natural on the catwalk and the show got great publicity for her clothing. That experience gave Ms. Cott courage to enter the Elite competition, in which 1,000 applicants were whittled down to 18 finalists. Ms. Cott was one of the youngest contenders in the finals, which included swimsuit and evening-dress competitions. "I didn't think I had a chance," she says. Ms. Cott still lives at home, and hasn't earned enough from her modeling to transform her family's economic circumstances. A couple of her brothers still scavenge.
    Daniela Cott made headlines before the Elite competition with the help of her agents, who pitched her Cinderella story to the local press. Television appearances followed. Denise Dumas, a model who hosts a TV fashion and health show, had Ms. Cott as a guest last year. "I saw her in the studio and she was divine, tall with wonderful skin," she says. Then Ms. Dumas got closer and saw Daniela Cott's hands. "There were calluses, cuts, scars, dark blotches and dry patches," says Ms. Dumas. Stigmata, like Christianity marks resembling the wounds of the crucified Christ. "That's when I really began to understand what Daniela had been through." Daniela Cott has since undergone extensive dermatological treatment on her hands to help heal the scars of scavenging. She says she wants to use her celebrity to press the government to supply all trash pickers with protective gloves. The young model says she's not ashamed of having worked as a cartonera, "because that gave me a very strong character and taught me not to be afraid of anything." “I don’t mind having been a “cartonera”, it is part of my life but I do mind when people insult me”, she says. In the competitive world of modeling, she knows that it will probably take time for people to forget the stigma of who she was. She is the “cartonera model” and will probably remain so in her country.

    In Argentina, there's already talk of a film and book about the miracle makeover. Being a former cartonera makes her a great rags-to-riches "Cenicienta"-tale. In a photo spread for a local newspaper in August, she was shot in a denim miniskirt in front of a line of grimy-looking scavengers.

    Yet being a cartonera carries a stigma in Argentina. In a country that has long identified itself as much with Europe as Latin America, there is deep ambivalence towards the scavengers who take over the streets at night.

    Scavenging was for many years illegal under a decree issued by a military dictatorship in the 1970s. The law wasn't overturned until 2002, after a crippling recession had forced thousands of Argentines to pick refuse to survive. There were at the time an estimated 100,000 scavengers on the streets. The numbers went down in recent years due to a slight economic recovery, but there are still an estimated 6,000 “scavengers”, according to the latest census. The official number is 3,200, but did not include children and people who did not want to participate in the survey. With an unemployment rate of 8 %, down from 21.5% in 2002, the government has recognized the economic and environmental benefits of informal recycling: huge savings on garbage collection and a 25 percent reduction in the city's solid waste going to landfills. In 2003, in the metropolis, one could find as many as 40.000 cartoneros. The law 992 had just been passed, giving a legal status to this activity. The economy is in better shape now, but there are still an estimated 10,000 scavengers who sell their findings to recycling centers. The Buenos Aires train company recently "canceled" a special train that carried trash-pickers downtown from their barrios. The company blamed vandalism on the route; scavengers claim discrimination.

El famoso tren cartonero que circula cada día por la Línea Tigre del Ferrocarril Mitre utilizando un equipo Toshiba, - video 2:
Tren Cartonero Mitre - Línea Tigre

    Some cartoneras have organized themselves to earn more money like Cristina Lescano who founded El Ceibo, a cooperative of cartoneras. After losing her job as a community worker in the late 80’s, Cristina remembers that trash picking was the only option left to feed her family. “We were only 7 women at the beginning. We entered a new world, a world of men at night. At first they gave us a cold stare, but soon we did the job together: women, men and also our children. Some neighbors felt pity for us when they saw us, others looked down on us, but now our relationship has changed”. Today, some 2,400 neighbors collaborate with El Ceibo by sorting out plastics, glass and cardboard that is being collected by the staff every morning. The cooperative, named after a local tree, now supports 53 families and operates mainly in Palermo, an upper class district in Buenos Aires. Stacking cardboard on her cart, Maria Luisa, who has been trash picking for the past seven years, explains that the big change now is the recognition they get from the authorities and local communities. “Working at night is a marginal job”, explains Cristina who felt ashamed each time she had to go out to “cirujear”, another synonym for trash scavenging.

Buenos Aires a hundred years ago ...

  The Buenos Aires' hygienist politics grew most intensely since the end of the 19th Century. The chronic epidemies that happened woke up the necessity of carrying out works for public hygiene and health. The downtown squares were reshaped and began to perform functions of education (in a way of interacting where the popular classes could acquire manners of the higher one), of sociability and hygienics. The idea of regularity, of a geometrically uniform and homogenous space—often thought of as a guarantee of or synonym for social order—was the cornerstone on which this pampean metropolis was built.
  Being Argentina a country of immigrants, several societies were created to take care of their compatriots with economic, social and health lacks. The creation and developement of public cemeteries ended the burials in churches, and this fact was added to the secularization politics of those times that becomes specially apparent in the civil issues. Formerly the dead were buried in the courtyards of the churchs except the poor or black people that were thrown in the open country to be eaten by the wild dogs.
  --(Antiguamente los muertos eran enterrados en los patios de las iglesias, salvo los pobres o negros, que se tiraban en descampados a merced de los perros cimarrones. En 1822 se prohíbe estos enterratorios. Nace así el Cementerio de La Recoleta. En 1867 fue inaugurado el Cementerio del Sur, rápidamente saturado por las su-cesivas epidemias de cólera y fiebre amarilla. source: Buenos Aires hace cien años, a través de sus postales)--
  The works for public health and the intense building of hospitals would be the way to put in practice the hygienist politics, whose influence grew most intensely since the end of the 19th Century. On the other hand, the Hospitals of Communities will denote the process of an immigratory wave that made this City the cosmopolitan par excellence. A characteristic that still remains, with cultural dialogue between the diversity of its population, avoiding the constitution of ghettos. The creation and developement of public cemeteries ended the burials in churches, and this fact was added to the secularization politics of those times that becomes specially apparent in the civil issues.
  Another signal of this politics of past icons substitution was the consecutive demolitions for openings and enlargings of streets and avenues. Squares and parks were in those times real landmarks of the attempt to urbanize and to complete the new limits of the City, consolidated in 1887 with the annexion of the towns of Flores and Belgrano. The downtown squares were also reshaped and began to perform functions of education (in a way of interacting where the popular classes could acquire manners of the higher one), of sociability and hygienics.
  --( Para el habitante de Buenos Aires Corrientes es, desde pibe (niño o joven), un faro de la cultura y el entretenimiento, donde es posible encontrar cines y espectáculos de teatro o revista de todos los países y épocas, y debatir luego sobre lo visto en uno de sus tradicionales cafés, o cenando pizza con cerveza a altas horas de la noche en un restaurante o pizzería. O, si se está solo, pasear por los corredores de las librerías-"disquerías", modernas o "de viejos".)--
  The squares were the best places for the poor to go out of their precarious housings, and especially for men, instead of the dangerous inns and coffee bars where they went to enjoy themselves. This philosophy promoted by the State would contribute to consolidate itself through social control norms.
  -- ( El mapa marca un momento clave de configuración regional. En el clima del ideario que puede condensarse en la ecuación “urbanización-industrialización-modernización”, propia de la segunda posguerra, se visualiza una colisión entre una lógica de ocupación motorizada por distintos grupos de población –que se plasma en los patrones residenciales- y los programas oficiales de control e intervención en equipamiento y vivienda pública, que configuran importante sectores. Desde comienzos del siglo XX la avenida ha sido la columna vertebral de la cultura y el entretenimiento de la ciudad, en especial en el tramo que va desde la llamada "esquina porteña", en la intersección con la calle Esmeralda, hasta la aristocrática avenida Callao. Por todo esto, en la década del 50, Roberto Gil, periodista y conductor de un programa de radio llamado "Calle Corrientes", transmitido por LR4 Splendid, la bautizó como, "La calle que nunca duerme", denominación que se hizo muy popular y sigue teniendo vigencia. ) --
  At the end of the 19th Century there were no more than twenty green spaces, but in the beginning of the 20th were projected and built most of the current parks of the City, being the centre of the urbanization in those times. Hospitals were founded formerly for giving home to resourceless people. As a consequence of the poor medical knowledge of that time, they were used also to segregate and isolate certain kinds of patients. Towards 1880, the hygienist current begins to think about human health as a right that must be assured by the State.
  The chronic epidemies that happened in Buenos Aires woke up the necessity of carrying out works for public hygiene and health. It’s therefore common to see several hospitals in the postcards of 100 years ago. San Roque Hospital was inaugurated in 1883. It was the first municipal hospital and today is called Ramos Mejía Hospital. It’s placed at the intersection of Urquiza Street and Venezuela Street. It was preceded by San Roque’s Lazzareto (1867), bound for patients with contagious diseases. That was the reason for which it was chosen a country place –in that time- far from downtown to establish it. It gave important services during the yellow fever epidemic. Being Argentina a country of immigrants, several societies were created to take care of their compatriots with economic, social and health lacks. Among other services, the “community hospital” was founded. Among them the French, Spanish, Italian and British hospitals.
  Cemeteries: Formerly the dead were buried in the courtyards of the churchs (except the poor or black people that were thrown in the open country to be eaten by the wild dogs). Those burials were forbidden in 1822. Because of this, the Recoleta Cemetery was founded. In 1867 was inaugurated the Southern Cemetery, quickly filled because of the consecutive epidemics of cholera and yellow fever. It was closed in 1892, becoming the current Florentino Ameghino Park. Near this place, in Spain Square existed a small cemetery for English people. The towns of Belgrano and Flores also had cemeteries.
  --(Antiguamente los muertos eran enterrados en los patios de las iglesias, salvo los pobres o negros, que se tiraban en descampados a merced de los perros cimarrones. En 1822 se prohíbe estos enterratorios. Nace así el Cementerio de La Recoleta. En 1867 fue inaugurado el Cementerio del Sur, rápidamente saturado por las su-cesivas epidemias de cólera y fiebre amarilla. Clausurado en 1892 es el actual parque Florentino Ameghino. Cercano a este lugar, en Plaza España, existió un pequeño cementerio de ingleses Los pueblos de Belgrano y Flores también tuvieron cementerios. En 1871, durante la epidemia de fiebre amarilla; y con la finalidad de evacuar con mayor rapidez los cadáveres de la ciudad, se incorporó un tramo del Ferrocarril Oeste desde Pueyrredón hasta un cementerio que se habilitó al efecto, en donde actualmente se encuentra el Parque Los Andes (y que luego se trasladaría al actual de la Chacarita). La construcción del tramo, que se concluyó en dos meses, la dirigió el ingeniero Augusto Ringuelet. Al tren que cumplía la lúgubre misión de transportar los cadáveres se lo conocía como de la muerte o fúnebre, al igual que a las tres estaciones en la que se depositaban los mismos para ser trasladados: la Bermejo, en la esquina sudoeste de la calle homónima (hoy Jean Jaurés) con la avenida Corrientes, la que se encontraba en la esquina sudoeste de Corrientes y Medrano; y la de la esquina con Scalabrini Ortiz (entonces llamada Camino Ministro Inglés. Al mencionado tren lo sucedió el tranvía Fúnebre y a partir de éste, en 1887, la compañía Lacroze obtuvo una concesión para extender vías por donde circularía el llamado tranvía Rural, de tracción a sangre como todos los de esa época, desde la actual Pueyrredón hasta la Chacarita, por la actual Corrientes, y de este último punto hacia Belgrano y de aquí ramales a la provincia. Este contrato se le otorgó con la condición de que además de pasajeros debían llevar cadáveres hasta el cementerio. Eran tranvías de techo abierto y asientos de madera y fue principalmente gracias ellos que las viviendas se fueron extendiendo sobre las quintas y los hornos de barro que aún existían. )--
  The Recoleta Cemetery was created in 1822 in the vegetable garden that the priests recoletos possessed besides the Del Pilar Church. Chacarita Cemetery: The yellow fever epidemic of 1871 forced to find quickly another burial place. This cemetery was called also “Western” between 1896 an 1949. There are buried tango celebrities, outstanding among them Carlos Gardel, whose sculptural group is object of offerings and rituals. The tombs of former President Juan Perón and the poetess Alfonsina Storni are also there. Dissidents’ Cemetery: In 1820 the English community got a permission to place a cemetery at the rear of Socorro Church. Prior to this date, Protestants were buried in the bank of the river, at the zone of Retiro. The second dissidents’ cemetery was located in the current First of May Square, in Pasco Street and Alsina Street. These grounds were changed afterwards by a piece of land adjacent to Chacarita Cemetery, where are placed today the British and German cemeteries.
  The National Penitentiary. It was settled on Las Heras Avenue between Coronel Díaz Avenue and Salguero Street. At about 1877 it had seven paranoptic shaped pavilions, usual in those years. It was surrounded by a high wall with turrets. It was demolished in 1961, and today the Juan Gregorio de Las Heras Park is located there. Several plates in the place remember the executions by shooting carried out there after the military coup d’etat of 1955.
  Alvear Avenue: A hundred years ago petit hotels and mansions had been built in this Avenue by families with big fortunes. This way it became the most paradigmatic street in the North Quarter. Several of those splendid residences, like that of Ortiz Basualdo or Pereda families, became afterwards diplomatic head quarters. Today it is shown as “the French Buenos Aires” to the foreign tourists.
  Sarmiento Avenue – called originally Palms Avenue- extends from Italia Square to the Palermo Forests, ending in Rafael Obligado Coastal Avenue. It was an elegant boulevard bound for strolling of Buenos Aires’ people. A hundred years ago the “Flowers Carnival Parade” was celebrated there.
  Mayo Avenue: In 1886 during the mayorship of Torcuato de Alvear, the demolitions that gave origin to Mayo Avenue from Bolívar Street to Luis Sáenz Peña Street began. The Avenue was inaugurated in July 9th, 1894, becoming the great stage for the public and social life of the City of a hundred years ago.

  Top buildings of the vanished tango cult: Palais de Glace, the circular building where tango was introduced into the high society ballrooms, leaving behind the slums and the brothels. Palermo was a neighborhood of guapos, inhabited by marginal people, malevos (small-time hoods), compadritos (street ruffians), cuchilleros (knifefighters) and prostitutes. This is immortalized in many stories by the Argentine writer Jorge Luis Borges, who in his “milongas” depicts the “taitas” (daddy) and “guapos” (cocky, good-looking guy) who lived in the area. It was also a refuge for tango because in certain times to dance it was considered a sin. Nevertheless, places such as “Lo de Hansen” and “Les Ambassadeurs” that were crowns of the tango, with one for the working classes and the other for the upper classes, were in Palermo. In the XIX century "El restaurant del parque de Tres de Febrero" known as "lo de Hansen", was one of the first tango places where the high class society used to hide while they learnt this dance, which was not appropiate at the time. "El Velódromo" was another Palermo local, and "Armenonville" (on the corner of Figueroa Alcorta Avenue and Salgero Street) that no longer exist.
  --(Las confiterías bailables. “Lo de Hansen” fue una confitería bailable muy concurrida en el Parque Tres de Febrero. La mitología porteña señala que allí habría nacido el tango (cosa poco probable dado el tipo de habitúes que tenía. Fue demolida en 1912)--
  "Los Inmortales" in Corrientes Avenue. This restaurant is a real photographic museum which portrays well known local personalities, used to be frequented by Carlos Gardel, who also performed in some of its theatres.
  "La Boca" port neighbourhood, where tango was born, at the Riachuelo River bank, the place where immigrants from Genoa settled at the end of last century, creating a picturesque Italian style neighborhood. The supporters of the Boca Juniors football team, rooted in the neighborhood of La Boca, are known as los xeneizes (a nickname deriving from the word zeneize, which means "genoese" in their language).

  Urbanisation vs Slum Culture. Urbanisation is called the social process whereby cities grow and societies become more urban. However, in the surrounding areas that were occupied during the second half of the 20th century, official intervention has been less influential. Higher- and lower-income population groups have created specific enclaves that show growing social and spatial fragmentation. *  "Reflections on Urbanization and Respect for the Slum Culture" is one of the most profound writings of analysis and understanding of the culture of the urban popular sectors. It begins by saying that "life in the slum" has meant that the priests have a "particular perspective" that differs from the one that those living in other places might have. Contrary to the politicians and formal society, who believe that among the poor everything is "need" and negativity (drugs, violence, poverty), defend "a positive perspective on the culture that exists in the slum." The slum culture is nothing but a rich popular culture of our Latin American people. The slum culture has its own way of perceiving and using public space. As such the street is the natural extension of one's home, not simply a transit point, but a place where one creates ties with the neighbors, where one finds the possibility to express oneself, the place for popular celebrations. They reject the word "urbanize," because it is unilateral, comes from a position of power, and displays a devaluation of the slum culture.

Buenos Aires a hundred years ago, through its potscards. PDF
Buenos Aires hace cien años, a través de sus postales. PDF

En Argentina, no hay negros...

  Un mecanismo de invisibilización fue sistemáticamente aplicado a los afroargentinos, grupo al que se consideró "desaparecido" en algún momento de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, sin que hasta el presente exista una explicación razonable para la desaparición de un sector que representaba el 30% de la población total pocos años antes. También se ha desarrollado una política de invisibilización para con los inmigrantes de otros países latinoamericanos y sus descendientes, que en algunos casos han constituido comunidades mayores y más antiguas que las de la mayoría de los grupos europeos que migraron a la Argentina.
  La misma ideología que sostiene que "en Argentina no hay negros" utiliza la palabra "negros" para denominar a una masa mayoritaria de la población integrada por trabajadores, pobres, migrantes internos, inmigrantes latinoamericanos, indígenas, sin demasiada distinción. "Grone" ("ne-gro", al revés) también es un término racista de amplia utilización en la Argentina, especialmente en Buenos Aires. Se trata de una palabra del lunfardo rioplatense, el vesre, que consiste en pronunciar las palabra invirtiendo sus sílabas. Un grone no es necesariamente una persona negra, ni de piel oscura. Básicamente es una persona a la que se desprecia por su condición social, frecuentemente un trabajador o hijo de éste, perteneciente a la clase baja o media baja. Puede decírsele grone también a una persona de piel muy clara, cabello rubio y ojos azules, si pertenece a la clase baja o expresa gustos culturales populares. Más recientemente ha comenzado a ser habitual, en este tipo de racismo, asociar la condición de grone -o negro- a la delincuencia.
  El proceso de invisibilización ha sido ejecutado mediante múltiples formas. Una de ellas ha sido la manipulación de los censos, para reducir y hasta eliminar los registros relacionados con personas o culturas no europeas. El proceso de invisibilización en las publicaciones sociales y escolares se realiza mediante técnicas sutiles de manipulación de textos, mediante los modos de denominar y adjetivar, cuando no en la abierta omisión de los hechos sociales o la falsificación de los mismos.
  Visibilización e Invisibilización: La Argentina intenta seguir viviendo la ilusión de ser un país racialmente homogéneo, mayormente europeo y, por ende, blanco, donde la discriminación no existe. La invisibilización de los pueblos originarios es una de las formas de discriminación. En la medida en que se niega la existencia, los pueblos indígenas reclaman derechos que no les dan y no se los dan porque "no existen". La cultura dominante no lo ve, lo invisibiliza. Invisibilidad, la imposibilidad de ser visto.
  Entonces, a los pueblos indígenas se les está negando la propia existencia. Ya no se les niegan los derechos, se les niega la existencia. Es una negativa más radical. "No tenemos el problema indígena en Argentina." Como si los indígenas fueran un problema. Es el caso de la "superioridad" con la que se autoperciben muchos argentinos respecto del resto de latinoamericanos, y tantos costarricenses respecto de los centroamericanos. Es la dialética del enano que necesita bajarle el piso a los demás para saberse grande. Es una absurda guerra de espejos.
  Hay una cuestión de clase. No podemos ignorar que pesa sobre nosotros toda una cultura colonialista, hay una concepción de que el indígena es alguien atrasado, culturalmente inferior, es un racismo de raíz cultural en la clase media argentina. Se los ve como personas de otra cultura, con una inclinación etnocentrista a considerarlas de una cultura inferior. La clase media discrimina a los pueblos originarios por una raíz de clase y etnia.
  El término cabecita negra tiene un inocultable componente de clase: está dirigido a un tipo definido de trabajador y trabajadora que compuso el grueso de la nueva clase obrera industrial que se desarrolló a partir de 1935 y se expandió velozmente a partir de 1939.
  Esta nueva clase obrera se instaló en los márgenes de la ciudad de Buenos Aires y otras ciudades en menor medida, modificando completamente su composición social. El proletariado, la nueva clase obrera, es un término utilizado para designar a la clase social más baja de la época de la edad moderna que, en el modo de producción capitalista, se ve obligada a vender su fuerza de trabajo a la burguesia por carecer de los medios de producción. Un miembro de tal clase es llamado un proletario. El término se utilizó inicialmente en un sentido despectivo, hasta que Karl Marx lo utilizó en un sentido positivo para identificar lo que él llamó la clase obrera (en la sociedad de consumo, la clase media), diferenciando proletariado y lumpenproletariado ("homo sacer" hombre sin derechos / marginalized elements of society) y colocándole como un grupo antagónico a la clase burguesa.



Los locales donde se baila tango serán reabiertos tras ser exceptuados de la veda por razones de seguridad que rige desde el incendio que causó 191 muertos en una discoteca. El decreto sólo se refería en un principio a los boliches bailables y se interpretó que se extendía a toda actividad de baile, por lo que ahora exceptuamos al tango por ser patrimonio cultural y por tener una ley especial. La habilitación quedará formalizada por medio de un decreto, que establece que el tango es un patrimonio cultural, y a cuyos locales concurren numerosos turistas. En el aspecto cultural de la vida nocturna de Buenos Aires, los boliches de tango volver a funcionar y para reabrir, deben adaptarse a las nuevas normativas que existen en materia de seguridad. Actualmente, el 90 por ciento de las milongas que hay en Buenos Aires está funcionando. Y, a partir de la publicación del nuevo decreto, ya pueden reabrir todas, incluso las que funcionan en locales de baile clase C. La intención es crear la categoría M. De acuerdo a lo informado, los boliches: Le Prive, Castelbamba, Palermo Club, Xci-Ho, Golden, Tebasco Pub, The End, Tequila, El Picaflor, Pizza Banana e Ivanoff serán inspeccionados. En tanto, los boliches: Latino 11, New Shampoo, Amérika, The Roxi, Roxi y The Place, Rey Castro, La France, Maluco Beleza, Cloche y Glam serán inspeccionados. Si las inspecciones no detectan fallas, los boliches bailables podrán reabrir sus puertas.

Home: Tango-E-Vita
TANGOÏSTE

Site Content Description: Tango-E-Vita, multilingual Belgian website which focuses on the many different dimensions of performing and experiencing Argentine Tango Dance as a living, ongoing event. Online multimedia such as instructional video-clips on guiding technique and views of shows. Articles in English, Dutch and other languages, with information and thoughts on the manner and quality of couple dancing and, regarding the mind-body relation and the act of exploring non-verbal communication, the powerful contemporary value of it. A special attention for multiple perspectives on gender, social class differences and mentality changes in the social history and future developments.