ALLISON, Penelope M.

Allison, P.M. 2004. Pompeian Households: An Analysis of the Material Culture. Cotsen Institute of Archaeology. Monograph 42. Los Angeles: The Cotsen Institute.

Studies of Pompeian material culture have traditionally been dominated by art-historical approaches, but recently there has been a renewed and burgeoning interest in Pompeian houses for studies of Roman domestic behaviour. This book is concerned with contextualized Pompeian household artifacts and their role in deepening our understanding of household behavior at Pompeii. It consists of a study of the contents of thirty so-called atrium houses in Pompeii to investigate the spatial distribution of household activities, both within each architectural room type and across the house. It also uses this material to investigate the state of occupancy of these houses at the time of the eruption of Mt Vesuvius in AD 79. It thus examines artefact assemblages within their spatial and decorative contexts for a more material cultural approach to these remains and for the information which they provide on living conditions in Pompeii during the last decades. In this it takes a critical perspective the textual nomenclature which is traditionally applied to Pompeian room types.
With an accompanying on-line companion: Pompeian Households: An On-line Companion

Allison, P.M. 2001. Using the Material and Written Sources. Turn of the Millennium Approaches to Roman Domestic Space. In: AJA 105. 181-203.

Allison outlines the types of evidence (both material and written scources) which give information on the use of Roman Domestic Space and examines several recent studies for a critical perspective on the current methodological and theoretical approaches to the Roman meterial culture. Especially usefull as a review of recent currents in the study of Roman domestic space.

Allison, P.M. 1999. Introduction. In: P.M. Allison (ed) The Archaeology of Household Activities. London and New York. 1-18.

Introduction to the compilation concerning household activities, highlighting the aspects under investigation. The constitution and organization of the households as socio-economic unit is the central theme of the book. All sources, which could give any information, should be fully explored, without any biasses coming from analogies with (modern/past) western societies. The possibilities and shortcomings of the main sources for the study of households (ethnography, texts, architecture and artefact assemblages) are given. Next some specific problems are considered: production and consumption of households; gender and visibility; public and private; temporality. This introduction is especially useful as an overview of theoretical considerations which should be made for the study of domestic contexts.

Allison, P.M. 1999. Labels for Ladles: Interpreting the Material Culture of Roman Households. In: P.M. Allison (ed) The Archaeology of Household Activities. London and New York. 57-77.

It has always been believed that Roman domestic behaviour was relatively well understood, as textual references and the archaeological remains of Pompeii and Heculaneum provide a wealth of information. However in the nineteenth-century, artefacts have too easily been labelled, and thus given a function, based on the ancient texts or on contemporary analogies. These labels, which are often unjustified, have used uncritically up to now to provide the basis for supposed material cultural approaches to Roman Domestic life (illustrated with some examples). In addition, specialists have devided the different artefacts in seperate categories which made that the assembages were never studied as one unity.

Allison, P.M. 1999. Artefact Distribution and Spatial Function in Pompeian Houses. In: B. Rawson and P. Weaver (ed). The Roman Family in Italy. Status Sentimant, Space. Oxford. 321-354.

Allison stresses the limitation of texts and therefore treats Pompeii as a prehistoric site (324). She analyses the contents of 30 Pompeian atrium-houses (325). The rooms in the sample have been devided into 21 types based on location, size, through-routes, decoration, functions defined by fixtures. With this data Allison searches for meaningfull patterns in the distribution of small artefacts (328). The archaeological evidence is used to separate public from private places, domestic from commercial activities, servants from masters, males from females, ...(351-353).

Allison, P.M. 1997. Roman households: an archaeological perspective. In: H.M. Parkins (ed). Roman Urbanism. Beyond the Consumer City. Londen en New York. 112-146.

How has the Roman household been identified? (117) Mostly according to textual evidence and epigraphical material. But this evidence is limited and has to be studied more critically. The use of archaeological evidence till now has been used to illustrate the texts (119), but archaeology of households includes more than the study of their architecture and decoration (120). Therefor a study of the Pompeian house contents (122 ev). But are Pompeian households like Roman households? (141). Conclusion (142-143): We have to study the Roman house beyond the structure and the decoration and have more eye for the importance of non-verbal communicators in environment-behaviour studies.

Allison, P.M. 1997. Why do excavation reports have finds' catalogues? In: C.G. Cumberpatch and P.W. Blinkhorn (eds) Not so much a pot, more a way of life. Oxford. 77-84.

Article indicating that the problem in the publication of artefacts lies in the fact that catalogues with finds are written from an art-historical point of view, resulting in a sommation of the nicest artefacts, without any relationship, nor to each other, nor to their archaeological context.

Allison, P.M. 1995. House contents in Pompeii. Data collection and interpretative procedures for a reappraisal of Roman domestic life and site formation processes. In: Journal of European Archaeology 3.1. 145-176.

Paper on the study of the content of 30 atrium houses in Pompeii, investigating the relation between artefact assemblages and room function; comparing archaeological evidence with textual analogy; investigating the state of the town during the period leading up to and including the final abandonment. Especially intresting for references concernig the relation architecture/content; the pompeii premise; methodology; the content of atrium/cubiculum; and the necessity of further research (introducing the use of statistics and comparing Pompeii and other Roman sites).

Allison, P.M. 1993. How do we identify the use of space in Roman housing? In: E.M. Moormann (ed). Functional and Spacial Analysis of Wall Painting. Proceedings of the Fifth International Congress on Ancient Wall Painting. Leiden. 1-8.

First Allison explores the textual, architectural en iconographical evidence and says why this evidence is not enough for decisive conclusions about the use of space (1-2). According to him, the current state of research into the use of space in Roman houses is largely the result of an overlay of the textual evidence on the archtictural and, to a certain extent, the decorative evidence (3). It is important however not to forget the chronological component: the structure of a room predates its decoration and the decoration predates the content. So only the contents provide the documentation of the conditions of rooms during their final state. His method is to compare the content of 30 atrium houses of Pompeii. The example given in the text is a comparrison of the atria (4-7). His conclusion is that a new assessment of the relationship between archaeological and textual evidence is necessary. Because previous interpretations have ignored regional, social and chronologicla differences and the on-going change of living conditions.

Allison, P.M. 1991. A Computer Database of Pompeian House Contents and its Application. In: AJA 95. 305.

Short abstract describing the research subject of Allison's PhD. She started with comparing room function and decoration, but remarked that function of spaces in Pompeian houses was almost uniquely based on litterary sources, while this does not always seem to correspond to the dispersion of the artefacts within those rooms. Therefore she started to insert all artefacts of the rooms into a database in order to shed a new light on the processes of the abandonment of Pompeii.

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ALSTON, Richard

Alston, R. 1997. Houses and households in Roman Egypt. In: R. Laurence en A. Wallace-Hadrill (ed) Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond (Journal of Roman Archaeology. Supplementary Series Number 22). Portsmouth, RI. 25-39.

He studied the papyrological evidence of Roman Egypt from 33 BC to 300 AD (26) about the architectural form of the houses (26-32), the occupation patterns (33-35) and the relation between house and social status (35-37), family (37-38) and society (38-39).

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AULT, Bradley A. and NEVETT, Lisa C.

Ault, B.A. and Nevett, L.C. 1999. Digging Houses: Archaeologies of Classical and Hellenistic Greek Domestic assemblages. In: P.M. Allison (ed) The Archaeology of Household Activities. London and New York. 43-56.

In this article some domestic contexts of Halieis are explored. The autors base themselves on the fact that most objects were deposited in the rooms where they were used during the abandonment of the city.

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Ault, B. 1987. The spatial distribution of cooking pottery at ancient Halieis. American Journal of Archaeology 91. 273.

Niet bruikbaar. Zeer kort artikel over identificatie van een keuken.

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BERRY, Joanne

Berry, J. 1997. Household artefacts: towards a re-interpretation of Roman domestic space. In: R. Laurence en A. Wallace-Hadrill (ed) Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond (Journal of Roman Archaeology. Supplementary Series Number 22). Portsmouth, RI. 183-195.

Berry stresses that artefacts have an active rather than a passive nature (183). The problem is that artefactal evidence for example at Pompeii have been neglected because the long traditions of scholarship focussing on the study of the architecture, decoration and epigraphy. The artefacts found in household contexts however have the potential to develop our understanding of many of the social processes formed in the Roman domus (183). With the Casa di M. Epidius Primus in Pompeii as case-study (187) she comes to the conclusion that the question of room function remains a difficult one, and that it is highly likely that rooms in the Roman house were multi-functional and that activities were organized on a temporal rather than a spatial basis (194).
CONCLUSION (195): Roman domestic artefact studies are still in their infancy, but the gradual appreciation of the potential of the Pompeian material has begun to generate new ways of thinking about the Roman house. In particular, assumptions about wealth and status based on studies of the architecture and decoration alone are being questionned, and the relationships between the different activities which make up Roman domestic life, from the mundane everyday sort such as cooking to household craft and industry, to leisure, are being problematised. The artefacts are only one of the sub-sets which make up the Roman house, yet this type of evidence actively demonstrates the complexities of the domestic environment and the tensions which may exist between the ideal of the Roman house, as evidenced by architecture and decoration, and the practice, indicated by the range, quantity, quality and inter-relationships of the household objects. Acknowledgement of these tensions lead to an awareness of the definite role that domestic artefacts had to play in the social and cultural articulation of the Roman house and reinstates a huge body of neglected Pompeian artefacts to their rightfull place as important elements for the reconstruction of Roman social and domestic history.

Berry, J. 1997. The Conditions of Domestic Life in Pompeii in AD 79: A Case-Study of Houses 11 and 12, insula 9, region I. In: Journal of the British school at Rome 65. 103-125.

Atricle describing the final condition in the use of domestic space in two houses of regio I at Pompeii. The evidence is based partially on the excavation reports from the early '50 and partially on two recent campaigns which concentrated on the neglected parts of the house. Berry argues that even though there are many gaps in the information from the early reports the absence in the records of finds still is remarkable and may originate in the fact that there simply was almost nothing to find. The evidence indicates that there were four main areas in the house: a commercial area which, although damaged, was certainly functioning in AD 79. A residential part, without full-scale habitation, in which repairs were going on as well. An unkempt garden area and a shop which was not functioning, but where the reconstruction activity was clearly concentrated. Berry links this material to the fact that there probably was a lot of seismic activity before the eruption of Mount Vesuvius. She reconstructs three phases. (1) After the first earthquake of AD 62 the two houses where partially repaired for habitation. (2) In a second phase the building-work was stopped and both houses were transformed into a warehouse. (3) Shortly before the eruption the house was damaged by another earthquake, after which all reconstruction activity was apparently concentrated on the shop.

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BOERSMA, Johannes S.

Boersma, J.S. 1996. Private latrines in Ostia: a case study. In: BABesch 71. 151-160.

Article studying the sanitary amenties in Insula V.ii. Boersma starts with indicating that the presence or absence of such amenties can provide objective information on the social class of the inhabitants. After considering the archaeological evidence available he concludes that sanitary was not common on ground floors, but neither unusual as stated earlier. In addition, he found frequent evidence for toilets on upper floors indicating that upper-floor apartments by no means confined to the poor. Of the five buildings in which no traces of latrines were found, four had a clear commercial or industrial character.

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Brödner, E. 1989. Wohnen in der Antieke. Darmstadt.

General work about dayly life and houses in the Roman period. As well living in houses in the city as on the countryside is considered and each time a generalisation of the house type and case studies are given.

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CAHILL, Nicholas

Cahill, N. 2002. Household and City Organization at Olynthus. Yale.

Investigating household and city organization by studying the small finds within their archaeological context. Object of study are the houses of the classical Greek city of Olynthos.

Very positive review of Barabara Tsakirgis in AJA 107. 511-513.

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Clarke, J.R. 1991. The Houses of Roman Italy 100 BC - 250 AD. Ritual, Space and Decoration. California: California University Press.


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Clarke, S. 1999. Architectural and social change during the Roman period. In: A. Leslie (ed) Theoretical Roman Archaeology and Architecture. The Third Conference Proceedings. Glasgow: Cruithne Press. 111-121.

Article considering some recent examinations of the process of acculturation in Roman Britain. The article refutes the theory of J.T. Smith that villa architecture represents the continuation of the Celtic family model. Clarke argues that the structure of the extented family shows a remarkable uniformity throughout the non-industrial urbanised world (113). Family structure thus was not very different in both societies. In conclusion (119) Clarke thinks that power base and family structure of the élite in Britain did not suddenly change. The adoption of Roman material culture by the élite was something that developed and changed considerably over time. Public works were priliminary a feature of the early Roman period, well before villas reached their peak in the early fourth century. According Clarke, this represents a major shift in the balance between public and private spheres of life and a change in the attitude of the élite to their wealth.

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Dickman, J. 1997. The peristyle and the transformation of domestic space in Hellenistic Pompeii. In: R. Laurence and A. Wallace-Hadrill (ed). Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond (Journal of Roman Archaeology. Supplementary Series Number 22). Portsmouth, RI. 121-136.

Dickmann examines the impact of the new urban form that we know as the peristylium. This he explains by a change in life style, informed by new architectural forms such as the gymnasium of Hellenistic culture. In explaining the role of the peristyle he stresses that the spatial pattern of the domestic life continued to be centered upon the atrium, and that the peristyle was an addition (ambulationes) rather than a structuring element essential to all houses.

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DWYER, Eugen J.

Dwyer, E.J. 1982. Pompeian Domestic Sculpture. A Study of five Pompeian houses and their content. Archaeologica 28. Rome.

Five houses and their context are described: the casa di Marco Lucrezio (IX iii 5), a small atrium-house without a name (VII xii 17/21), casa del Camillo (VII, xii, 22/23), casa della Fortuna (IX vii 25), Casa del Citarista (I iv 1/2/3). The conclusion of Dwyer is that sculptures in bronze and marble were produced in response to well-specified domestic requirtements. This however will not be the case in Sagalassos were statues were reused in later times.

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ELLIS, Simon P.

Ellis, S.P. 2004. Early Byzantine Housing. In: K. Dark (ed) Secular Buildings and the Archaeology of Everyday Life in the Byzantine Empire. Oxford: Oxbow Books. 37-52.

Overview of housetypes in the early Byzantine period. Ellis proposes to divide the house types into 4 categories:
(1) Peristyle houses: a definition of "peristyle house"; dating the last peristyle house with interesting remarks about squaters living in the structure after abandonment (p38-39); reception facilities in Late Antiquity (p39-43).
(2) Early Byzantine House: considering the early Byzantine town house consisting of 9 equal spaces in a grid design: 8 rooms and a central courtyard (2A) or consisting of two ranges of 3 rooms separated by a rectangular court (p43-45)
(3) 'native' or 'provincial' housing: varieties of rural houses (p45-47); with some intresting remarks on the use of shops as houses (p47)
(4) Subdivision: Walls built in specific locations that relate to the architecture of the previous building (p47-50)

Ellis, S.P. 2000. Roman Housing. London.

Standard work on Roman houses in Late-antiquity. First it tries to define the "Roman house" as a social unit. In the next chapter "Houses of pretention" elite houses are explored. Ellis continues with studying the differences between the houses of the town and those of the country. Next the decoration and furniture of the house are described. Finally Ellis returns to the interaction between the house and it inhabitants.

Ellis, S.P. 1999. Theories of circulation in Roman houses. In: A. Leslie (ed.) Theoretical Roman Archaeology and Architecture. The Third Conference Proceedings. Glasgow: Cruithne Press. 75-98.

Ellis considers theories of circulation in this paper and apply them on the houses of late antiquity to illustrate that decor and architecture of the house were used by the owner to prevent visitors from entering inappropriate rooms (p.77). First the theory of Carandini is mentionned who thinks there is a clear differnce between the pars urbana (domain of the owner) and the pars rustica (domain of the servants) in a Roman house. Wallace-Hadrill comes next who's vision is that particular rooms are more suiteble for certain ranks. However, as this is difficult to interprete based on the archaeological remains, Ellis also involves the method of Hillier and Hanson into the discussion to make patterns of circulation visible and suggests we should draw value from all these ideas (p 81). After "a literary tour around Roman villas" he gives some examples of how circulation patterns within the house can be related with the decor. The article is especially interesting for some references concerning this last topic e.g. (p. 75-76) The central coutyard provided a convenient place for cooking and collecting water in a large underground cistern; (p.81) In every Roman house considerable attention was devoted to the view from the main reception room.

Ellis, S.P. 1997. Late Antique houses in Asia Minor. In: S. Isager and B. Poulson (eds.) Patrons and Pavements in Late Antiquity (Hallicarnassian Studies 2). Odense. 38-50.

This paper sets out to place late antique houses in context. This context is their relation to their immediate physical environment and their social environment in the fourth to seventh century AD. Ellis discusses houses from Ephesus (Hanghauser), Sardis, Aphrodisias and Halikarnassos.

Ellis, S.P. 1997. Late-antique dining: architecture, furnishings and behaviour. In: R. Laurence en A. Wallace-Hadrill (ed) Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond (Journal of Roman Archaeology. Supplementary Series Number 22). Portsmouth, RI. 41-51.

Study of the evolution from the more open triclinium towards the more closed dining room with fixed dining couches and semi-circular marble table (stibadium). Differences are seen in the use of three area's: entrenceway (43-45), 'middle ground' (45-46), apse (46-50).

Ellis, S.P. 1994. Lighting in Late Roman Houses. In: S. Cottam, D. Dungworth, S. Scott and J. Taylor (ed) TRAC 94. Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Theoretical Roman Archaeology Conference. Held at the Department of Archaeology, University of Durham, 19th and 20th March 1994. Oxford: Oxbow books. 64-71.

A short paper on the potential impact of lightning upon the atmosphere of a Roman house, especially in the triclinium. The paper considers as well natural light as artificial light.

Ellis, S.P. 1988. The End of the Roman House. AJA 92. 565-576.

The disappearance of the Roman peristyle house (no more built after 550 AD) marks the end of the ancient world and its way of living. No disaster theories can adequately explain the disappearance of the Roman house. From the fouth century on an increasing number of rich houses and public buildings were abandonned, while on the other hand the new houses built were more elaborate than before. These developments are explained by a concentration of wealth and a more autocratic form of patronage.

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FOSS, Pedar

Foss, P. 1997. Watchful Lares: Roman household organisation and the rituals of cooking and dining. In: R. Laurence en A. Wallace-Hadrill (ed) Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond (Journal of Roman Archaeology. Supplementary Series Number 22). Portsmouth, RI. 196-218.

Foss studies the presence of shrines for the Lares in a sample of Pompeian houses. These shrines in most cases are placed in key areas of circulation. They illustrated the religious devotion and ancestral heritage (Penates and wax masks of ancesters). Yet the actual continuity of the household depended upon a reliable and ritually protected food supply. Dining areas rarely included shrines, in contrary to kitchens (Lares). In large estates there was (the possibility for) a greater degree of specialisation, making a division between the free and the slave population of the household possible.

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Gardener, J.F. and T. Wiedermann. 1991. The Roman Household: A Sourcebook. London and New York.

A collection of latin texts in translation illustrating the activities associated with the household and Roman perceptions of its role and position within the wider social and economic fabric. A particulary important aspect is the different and frequently conflicting roles and moral values expected from male and female, young and old, free and slave members of the Roman household. Prominence is also given to legal texts discussing issues which demonstrate Roman concepts of family and household, rules of inheritance, and relations between patron and freeman.

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Gawlikowski, M. 1986. A Residential Area by the South Decumanus. In: F. Zayadine (ed.) Jerash Archaeological Project 1, 1981-1983. Amman. 107-136.

Description of an Umayyad House (7th century AD) in Jerash. Mostly building history from the early Roman to the Abbassid period with detailed description of the Umayyad period. Only a very short and very general statements are made concerning the material evidence (pp.118-120).

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GEORGE, Michele

George Michele. 1999. Repopulating the Roman House. In: B. Rawson and P. Weaver (ed) The Roman Family in Italy. Status, Sentiment, Space. Oxford. 299-319.

Investigation of the interaction between the public and the private character of the Roman house, which is difficult to understand from a modern point of view: the house as domus frequentata and sanctum perfugium (300). Because the physical structure of the house, stripped of its contents, can only give broad indications of social values (301), artefacts are the most obvious potential aid (302). Rooms probably had multiple functions and spacial use was highly flexible (302). It is difficult therefor to separate spaces for servants and owners (316-317) and for public and private activities (317-318)

George, M. 1997. Servus and domus: the slave in the Roman house. In: R. Laurence en A. Wallace-Hadrill (ed) Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond (Journal of Roman Archaeology. Supplementary Series Number 22). Portsmouth, RI. 15-24.

M. George searches for evidence in the Roman atrium-houses of Pompeii for the presence of slaves. In attempting to locate slave quarters and spatial dimensions of the master-slave relationship, she finds that both aspects are obscured. Her conclusion is that because of the ideological superiority of the paterfamilias slaves simply do not appear, or are not defined, in the archaeological record of Pompeii. Only in some large houses excavated in Rome are they apparent, because basic priorities in the organization and decoration of the domus lay by the owner and his relatives.

George, M. 1997. The Roman Domestic Architecture in Northern Italy. BAR International Series 670. Oxford.

Description of the North Italian domus and its parts using architectural evidenc from the late rapublic till the 6th century. A desription of different room types is given. The identification of the room function though is always based on traditional indications like mosaics, other decoration, position in the house and architectural disign as testified in the remains of Pompeii and the texts of Vitruvius.

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GOLDBERG, Marilyn Y.

Goldberg, M.Y. Spatial and Behavioural Negotiation in Classical Athenian City Houses. In: P.M. Allison (ed) The Archaeology of Household Activities. London and New York. 142-161.

Goldberg criticizes the traditional interpretation of classical houses in for example Athens, because the focus has always been on accepted behaviour derived from the ancient texts, rather than on actual practice. In a first section she introduces the history of gendered space, exposing the traditional view and rejecting it in seven points of criticism. In the second section she examines the physical reconstruction of gendered spaces. She concludes here that no evidence really indicates that as well the andronitis as the gunaikonitis were bound to a fixed place in the house. In addition, necessity must have made it impossible to keep women in seclusion, especially lower class and servant women. The third section dicusses the ways the spaces in households may actually have functionned. Written sources depict a standard as seen by aristocratic men. Many woman did spent most of their time at home, but this depended on time and class.

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Grahame, M. 2000. Reading Space. Social Interaction and Identity in the Houses of Roman Pompeii. Oxford.

Grahame surveys the houses in Regio IV of Pompeii with the access analysis of Hillier and Hanson.
Chapters 1-3 are an excellent survey of the contemporary theories about the organization of space and its impact on social encounters, surveillance and degrees of privacy.
Chapters 4-6 are the application of the access analysis on th houses of Regio IV. His models and conclusions however are very abstract and do not take into account information given by other categories of evidence (decoration, material finds,...).
Chapter 7 is an analysis of interaction potential from the point of local space, global space and the receptivity of spaces to strangers. His conclusions however do not go beyond the dictates of common sense.
Chapter 8 attempts to interprete the floorplans individualy, but the argument is still hampered by the fact that the architectural configuration only is studied.
Chapter 9 explains why other evidence is not used: because their interpretations were based on the textual evidence of e.g. Vitruvius, who's nomenclature and social functions cannot be applied in a consistent manner.

Review of Rabun Taylor. 2002. JRA 15. 439-444. (map 1) Although he recommends the book, he gives a lot of argument against the vision of Graham. For example the fact that he did not consider diachronistic changes.

Grahame, M. 1999. Reading the Roman house: the social interpretation of spatial order. In: A. Leslie (ed.) Theoretical Roman Archaeology and Architecture. The Third Conference Proceedings. Glasgow: Cruithne Press. 48-74.

The paper argues that the house is primarily a building and the purpose of a building is to order space. As the historical vision of the Roman society does not fully take the social meaning of a house into account, Grahame uses the method of Hillier and Hanson to examine space. In this article he explains some of the principles of H&H and apply these on the idealised plan of the atrium house. For the relations among the inhabitants Grahame concludes that the atrium plan on the one hand creates many encounters (high presence availability of atrium and peristylium) and on the other hand the arrangement provides a high level of surveillance (power). Concerning the relations with strangers, the first part (fauces-atrium-tablinium) represents the "auditorium of the theater" while the rooms situated deeper in the house are the "backstage".

Grahame, M. 1998. Material culture and Roman identity: The spatial layout of Pompeian houses and the problem of ethnicity. In: R. Laurence and J. Berry (ed) Cultural Identity in the Roman Empire. Londonand New York. 156-178.

The article can be split up in two parts. First Grahame surveys the problem of culture and cultural identity. As analytical framework for identifying the material objects individuals use to indicate there ethnic identity, he uses the concept style. This is a particular way of doing which is choosen above any other way of doing the same thing because several reasons. According to this reasons we can make subdivisions like expressing social status, but also ethinicity. Secondly he studies the houses in Pompeii to see wether there is a distinctive pattern in the spatial layout of houses which can be seen as a way to express ethnicity. Specifically the amount of coutyards in the houses is studied. The conclusion is that the more rooms a house has, the more courtyards. This is explained by the fact that courtyards were seen as a symbol of status. So that people who could affort them would do so, forcing the elite to 'innovate' in order to symbolise the difference between themselves and the others. They simply added more courtyards. The final conclusion is that it wasn't ethnic affinity that caused the introduction of coutyards but social status. This is very interesting because if accepted we cannot speak about Romanisation anymore. The material culture called Roman is not spread because people want to show themselves as being Roman, but simply because they copied the socially more successful.

Grahame, M. 1997. Public and private in the Roman house: the spatial order of the Casa del Fauno. In: R. Laurence en A. Wallace-Hadrill (ed) Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond (Journal of Roman Archaeology. Supplementary Series Number 22). Portsmouth, RI. 137-164.

Grahame prestents an alternative analysis of the Casa del Fauno than the reading based directly on literary resource. Using the methodology of Hillier and Hanson (gamma or access analysis) he identifies different levels of privacy in the house, which encapsulate not only the traditional inhabitant-stranger relationship but also the relationships between the inhabitants themselves. Although the used methodology, concentrated on the access to domestic properties, shows how the relationship between spaces with different levels of presence availability affected the nature of social interaction, it is rather a more theoretical way to approach spaces, of which the results are rather predictable.

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HALES, Shelley

Hales, S. 2003. The Roman House and Social Identity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

This book examines a diverse range of house types in an effort to understand how people imagined and articulated their place in the Roman world, from Britain to Syria. Shelley Hales considers the nature and role of domestic decoration and its role in promoting social identities. From the Egyptian themes of imperial residences in Italy, to the viticultural designs found in the rock-cut homes in Petra, this decoration consistently appeals to fantasies beyond the immediate realities of their inhabitants. Hales contends that fantasy served a key role in allowing individuals and communities to meet expectations and indulge aspirations, to confirm and to compete within the diverse empire. Employing a wide range of approaches to the study of the house and acculturation in the Roman Empire, her book serves as the first synthesis of Roman domestic architecture and offers new insights into the complexities and contradictions of being Roman.
Rather traditional book examining "Roman" and other building styles and types of decoration to interpret acculturation.
Part I: 1. The ideal home; 2. The house and the construction of memory; 3. The imperial palace
Part II: 4. Finding a way into the Pompeian house; 5. The art of impression in the houses of Pompeii
Part III: 6. The houses of the western provinces; 7. The east Greek oikos (in map 2).

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HOEPFNER, Wolfram and SCHWANDERER, Ernst-Ludwig

Hoepfner, W and E. Schwanderer. 1994. Haus und Stadt im klassischen Griechenland. München

Detailed discussion devoted to the domestic, as well as the civic architecture. They recognise the potential of the material record as a source, and raise discussion of architectural space in Greek cities beyond the descriptive. They do fall however in the methodological trap of using archaeology to illustrate their hypothesis derived from textual evidence that architecture and layout are connected to the social and political ideals of Greek society. This lead them to propose that an ideal of democracy and equality lay behind the regular gridplans of Greeks cities in the 5th and 4th centuries BC.

For criticism on their view see: L.C. Nevett (2000) and M.Y. Goldberg (1999).

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HOPE, Valerie

Hope, V. 1997. A roof over the dead: communal tombs and family structure. In: R. Laurence and A. Wallace-Hadrill (ed). Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond (Journal of Roman Archaeology. Supplementary Series Number 22). Portsmouth, RI. 69-88.

Hope documents the regional and diachronic variations of burial practice. Although the inscriptions might give the impression that the tombs were built for nuclear families, actual burial practice is found to be complex and points towards 'tombfuls' paralleling the 'housefuls' of the living. This though seems to be where a linear relationship between the spatial structure of houses an tombs ends. The house tombs may resemble to the outlook of the Roman domus, but in spatial arrangement they do not appear to reflect contemporary housing. If we would try to reconstruct the spatial practice of the living from the tombs, we would be misled.

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JAMESON, Michael H.

Jameson, M.H. 1991. Private Space and the Greek City. In O. Murray and S. Price (ed). The Greek City: from Homer to Alexander. 171-195.

Some features of the classical Greek house are surveyed by combining textual with archaeological evidence. Jameson suggests that the classical house has the essential features of the archaic aristocratic establishment: complete privacy from the outside world, and a variety of rooms for the work of its inhabitants (it is stressed that few rooms reveal fixed functions) and for social divisions amongst them, of which those between strangers and householdmembers and between males and unmarried females were the most important. So on a small scale the private house shows the democratisation of aristocratic values.

Jameson, M.H. 1990. Domestic Space in the Greek City-State. In: S. Kent (ed). Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space. An Interdisciplinary, Cross-Cultural Study. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 92-113.

Description of the Greek house of the fifth and fourth centuries BC. Especially highlighting the importance of the hearth as the center of the nucleated family and the symbolic connection with Hestia in contrary to Hermes for the public life. He stresses that contrary to the male/female and free/slave distinctions, which are mostly seen in classical houses, the cohesion of the nuclear family and its suspicion of other families plays the most important role in the organization of space (106). In his explanation he refers to many times to the work of Walker 1983 and Hoepfner and Schwanderer 1986.

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KENT, Susan

Kent, S. 1990. Activity areas and architecture: an interdisciplinary view of the relationship between use of space and domestic built environments. In: S. Kent (ed) Domestic Architecture and the use of Space. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1-8.

Introduction covering all topics considered in the book.

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Lang-Auinger, C. (ed). 2003. Hanghaus 1 in Ephesos. Der Baubefund. Forschungen in Ephesos VIII/3. Austria: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

One of a confusing muddle of terraced houses to the south east of the Celsus Library in Ephesus is published in this large format excavation report. This house is fronted by a stoa and then rises up a slope, through peristyl and atrium to inner rooms. Although architectural remains of many periods are preserved, they tend towards the earlier periods c.100BC to 100AD. Architectural and technological features (including elaborate canals for water supply) are published and finds are catalogued and discussed, ranging from stauettes to teeth. This volume should be seen in connection with Lang-Auinger, C. (ed). 1996. Hanghaus 1 in Ephesos. Funde und Ausstättung.

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Laurence, R. 1997. Space and text. In: R. Laurence and A. Wallace-Hadrill (ed). Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond (Journal of Roman Archaeology. Supplementary Series Number 22). Portsmouth, RI. 7-14.

Introduction to the book, citing recent publications on the archaeology of the domestic context and on theories of the spatial aspect of societies. In this framework the sources of the use of space should be seen. On the one hand there is the archaeologicla record which shows the spatial practice, while the ancient texts on the other hand show the representational sphere. It is only with the intersection of these aspects of Roman space that we can begin to understand the Roman viewpoint.

Laurence, R. 1995. The organization of space in Pompeii. In: T.J. Cornell and K. Lomas (ed) Urban Society in Roman Italy. London: UCL Press. 63-78.

This study uses the streets as area in which public social interaction occured and which was therefor the organizing unit of public space. It would appear that from the arrangement of public space, streets, had a certain logic to it. This logic caused the variation in the number of doorway occurences, message occurances and the ratio of type1/type 2 doorways. Emphasis was laid upon the through routes as the streets with the greatest competition for street frontage. It suggest a high frequency of visitors. Another observation is that these through routes were integrated at the core of the city, by an area of irregular streets. This area was the center for the inhabitants of the city.
(Weinig bruikbare studie).

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Lawrence D. L. and Low S. M. (1990) The built environment and spatial form. Annual Review of Anthropology 19. 453-506.

Social and cultural studies of human interactions with the built environment in anthropology have certainly grown significantly within the last decade and are likely to receive more intense attention in the years to come. A direction for anthropologists lies in the area of social production theories to understand built forms within the larger context of society's institutions and its history. In the study of contemporary urban settings or as the traditional cultures, it became increasingly incorporated into the global political economy, the complex forces and large-scale institutional forms that penetrate from every angle, cannot be ignored. Buildings constitute substantial investments for any society and in many societies their usefulness outlives the original builder. The conditions of the original construction, and each successive layer of renovation are integral parts of the cultures that create them. As an object of study, the building becomes a point of spatial articulation for the intersection of multiple forces of economy, society, and culture. Buildings, especially dwellings, serve human needs all well as being the focal point of personal and social identities in the cultures studied. The processes by which decisions are made to build, remodel or move are neither well documented nor understood in most of the societies where anthropologists have worked. Further, the meaning of the built environment as revealed through its metaphorical connections and ritual practices constitutes an important but still incompletely explored dimension. These two areas of investigation, seemingly unencumbered by a strong structuralist bias, suggest fruitful ways of examining the meaning of the built environment.

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Leach, E. Discussion. Comments from a Classicist. In: P.M. Allison (ed) The Archaeology of Household Activities. London and New York. 190-197.

A, not very critical, compilation of the topics discussed in previous articles in the book.

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Métraux, G.P.R. 1999. Ancient housing: oikos and domus in Greece and Rome. In: Journal for the Society of Architectural Historians 58. 392-405.

Review of recent work on housing in antiquity. Good as a reference for furter literature, especially on historiography.

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NAPPO, Salvatore Ciro

Nappo, S.C. 1997. Urban transformation at Pompeii in the late 3rd and early 2nd century BC. In: R. Laurence en A. Wallace-Hadrill (ed) Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond (Journal of Roman Archaeology. Supplementary Series Number 22). Portsmouth, RI. 91-120.

Nappo's paper is based on recent excavations in Pompeii where he was able to identify by stratigraphic excavation the original property divisions of the insulae. The evidence point to a simultaneous creation of several dozens if not hundreds of almost equal plots of modest dimensions. The original houses built on them had open courts, with only 60% of the total area being covered by a roof. The impression that emerges is that the subdivision took place after the second punic war, when there was an influx of new population, with the assignation of building lots within the city linked to the assignation of agricultural plots outside the walls. These houses were assigned to single nuclear families and were only later altered to form the pattern preserved in 79.

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Nevett, L.C. 2000. A real estate 'market' in Classical Greece? The example of town housing. Annual of the British School at Athens 95. 329-343.

Nevett investigates the transactions involving real estates by studying the textual and archaeological evidence at Olynthos. Fifteen epigraphical documents involved in selling or loaning property are attested. First is considdered if the documents are related to the houses in which they were found, secondly if they can be dated to the same period. Once these two questions are answored affirmative, a connection is searched between the prices of and criteria which could affect the value of the estates. Two attributes which seem to be particullary important can be explored: size and location. The bigger and the closer to the agora (were civic live takes place), the more expensive the estate.

Nevett, L.C. 1999. Perceptions of domestic space in Roman Italy. In: B. Rawson and P. Weaver (ed) The Roman Family in Italy. Status, Sentiment, Space. Oxford. 281-298.

Summary of the literary evidence for Roman perceptions of household space. Three different housetypes are separated: town houses, villas and rural farms.

Nevett, L.C. 1999. House and Society in the Ancient Greek World. Cambridge.

see pages with notes added to map 1.
see review by Marshall Joseph Becker. AJA 105. 552-554.

Nevett, L.C. 1999. Greek households under Roman hegemony: the archaeological evidence. In: A. Leslie (ed.) Theoretical Roman Archaeology and Architecture. The Third Conference Proceedings. Glasgow: Cruithne Press. 99-110.

This paper gives a short overview of changes in domestic space in Greece. Nevett concludes that there is a shift through time in the way in which activities were distributed around the house, and in particular a change in the role of the court. In the classical Greek houses, domestic tasks were on display to visitors passing to the andron via the court, which was the location of various household activities including food preparation and cooking (102). In the Hellenistic samples the houses tend to have two courts, one for household activities and one for display, showing a seggregation between public and private. The houses of the Roman era in Greece are characterised by a reduction in the constraints on movement around the house, which suggests a change in attitudes towards interaction between individuals within the domestic context and in particular between household members and outsides. Nevett cautiously poses the hypothesis that this might be the result of a different attitude towards women. The interaction between female family members and guests might have been less rectrictive in the Roman period which is also indicated in the ancient sources.

Nevett, L. 1994. Separation or seclusion ? Towards an archaeological approach to investigating women in the Greek household in the fifth to third centuries BC. In: M. Parker-Pearson and R. Colins (eds.) Architecture and Order: Approaches to Social Space. London: Routledge. 98-112.

In this article Lisa Nevett turns to one of the main questions about Greek domestic space: "to what extent were the women of this period confined to specific parts of the house". In a first section Nevett evaluates the textual evidence, concluding that it is limited and biased. In a second part she presents the vision of two archaeologists on the material. Walker believes that a separation between man and women is visible in the material evidence while Jameson means that the distinction between male and female areas did not affect the actual planning of the Greek houses. In a final section, Nevett shows in reference to the traditional Islamic houses, that there were in the first place separate rooms for strangers in the house. In practice the andron was used as a reception room for (male) strangers, while in the other areas of the house the women were present (gunaikon) although they were not dedicated specifically to female use. In conclusion, segregation of women was not from men as a whole, but from men from outside the family.

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PARSLOW, Christopher

Parslow, C. 1999. Beyond Domestic Architecture at Pompeii. In: AJA 103. 340-343.

Article reviewing six books on domestic architecture and private life in throughout the Roman world, all related through their material with the daily life in Pompeii. Following books are treated:
Barton, I. M. ed. 1996. Roman Domestic Architecture. Exeter
Bon, S.E. and R. Jones ed. 1997. Sequence and Space in Pompeii. Oxford.
Laurence R. and A. Wallace-Hadrill ed. 1997. Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond (Journal of Roman Archaeology. Supplementary Series Number 22). Portsmouth, RI.
Ling, R. 1997. The Insula of the Menander at Pompeii I: The Structures. New York.
Pesandro, F. 1997. Domus: Edilizia privata e societa Pompeiana fra III e I secolo a.C.. Rome.
Richardson, L. jr. 1997. Pompeii: An Architectural History.. Baltimore.

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Pirson, F. 1997. Rented accomodation at Pompeii: the evidence of the Insula Arriana Polliana VI.6. In: R. Laurence en A. Wallace-Hadrill (ed) Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond (Journal of Roman Archaeology. Supplementary Series Number 22). Portsmouth, RI. 165-181.

Pirson quenstions the common assumption that Pompeii was a city dominated by the owner-occupied domus, rather than rented apartments as at Ostia. To do so he studies the rental inscriptions from the Insula Arriana Polliana and from the Praedia Iuliae Felicis. Departing from the study of these two epigraphical texts he tries to isolate architectural units within the bigger domus which could be identified with the rental inscriptions and could easily have been rented out to tenants without disturbing the normal course of day of the owners. In pompeii about 450 examples have been noted of small independent dwellings. His conclusion is that there are a variety of dwellings and living standards which could exist side by side in one single complex of ownership.

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Rapoport, A. 1990. Systems of activities and systems of settings. In: S. Kent ed. Domestic Architecture and the use of Space. An Interdisciplinary Cross-cultural Study. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 9-20.

Rapoport begins with a summary of his previous work and some intrestiong views of future research. He discusses the nature of the relation between culture, as expressed by human behaviour and the built environment. The outcome of this discussion is that activities are contained by architecture rather loosely. According to Rapoport, the built environment is the result of highly culture-specific and temporal-specific designs. In adittion it only is a small part of the physical environment. A better unit of analysis is what he calls "systems of settings", the activity areas which are defined by semi-fixed furnishing or feature elements that act as cues. His conclusion is that archaeology should move from the rigid interpretation of architecture, towards the spread of artefacts. Therefore environment-behavior research and archaeology will benefit from interaction.

Rapoport, A. 1982. The Meaning of the Built Environment: a Nonverbal Communication Approach. Sage Beverly Hills (Calif.).

The reference work on the ideas of Rapoport concerning the nonverbal communication approach to the meaning of the built environment (101-122). Non verbal communication concerns subtle ways in which people indicate feelings or moods. One such channel is the built environment especially the semi- or non fixed features because these can change more quickly (89) therefore they are particullary important (90) (89-101) for identifying room functionality. Especially in domestic space, the distribution of artefacts within a building is governed by the traditions of the current inhabitants, while the buildings themselves might be imposed on them by the dominant powers (or previous inhabitants or architects of an earlier period) (19-23).

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RIGGSBY, Andrew M.

Riggsby, Andrew M. 1997. "Public" and "private" in Roman culture: the case of the cubiculum. In: JRA 10. 36-56.

The paper consists of three parts: first the associations of the function of cubicula in classical texts. Second a synthetic interpretation of the pattern underlying the specific ttempt to come to conclusions features of the cubiculum, especially the role of the public/private distinction in the articulation of the roman house. Finally there is a brief conclusion considering how far the results can be generalised. Introduction and conclusions are added to map 1.

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Sander, D. 1990. Behavioral conventions and archaeology: methods for the analysis of ancient architecture. In: S. Kent (ed) Domestic Architecture and the use of Space. An Interdisciplinary Cross-cultural Study. Cambridge. 43-72.

Boring anthropological attempt "to provide a foundation for architectural analyses in archaeological contexts". First seven factors are defined that together determine the from and use of domestic spaces. Next the relationship between behavioral conventions and the build environment is using semiotics and behavior- environment studies. Last an application of research results from previous items is explained through an analysis of domestic spaces from the Early Bronze Age Settlement of Myrtos, Crete (ca. 2250 BC).

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Silagos, L. 2004. Middle and late Byzantine Houses in Greece (tenth to fifteenth centuries). In: K. Dark (ed) Secular Buildings and the Archaeology of Everyday Life in the Byzantine Empire. Oxford: Oxbow Books. 53-81.

Article on Byzantine housing in Greece. Some intresting references to:
(1) To continuation of the subdivision of houses (example of type 2A of Ellis 2004) p56
(2) To the use of space (kitchens p58-59; sanitary facilities p59; main living space or triklinion p59; other p59-61
(3) The cleaness of the main living area and its relation to multi-functionality (p62)

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SCOTT, Sarah

Scott, S. 1997. The power of images in the late-Roman house. In: R. Laurence en A. Wallace-Hadrill (ed) Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond (Journal of Roman Archaeology. Supplementary Series Number 22). Portsmouth, RI. 53-67.

Scott studies the relationship between decoration and its ideological implications for the viewer. The emphasis is laid on the deployment of decorative schemes from late-antique villas in the definition and representation of elite culture. The power came in the hands of a small elite of big landowners who dominated the cities from their rich palaces and villas. These residences where "the forum made private". Once public acts became private, domestic space played an increasingly important role in public life, and rooms were assigned increasingly specific functions. The architecture and its decoration was a form of comsumption which singalled the identity of the consumer and was loaded with meaning which could be read in a multiplicity of ways depending on the status and knowledge of the visitor.

Scott, S. 1994. Patterns of movement. Architectural design and visual planning in the Romano-British villa. In: M. Locock (ed) Meaningful Architecture. Social Interpretations of Buildings. Aldershot. 86-98.

This paper is a restatement of the visions of Ellis and Wallace-Hadrill on elite villa design. The underlying assumption is that the organisation of space in the late antique villa's in Roman Britain is not simply a reflection of society and its values, but a medium through which society and different kinds of knowledge can be created and reproduced.

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Smith, J.T. 1998. Roman Villas: A Study in Social Structure. New York.

This book comprehends an analysis of the remains of Roman villas of the northern part of the empire. Smith wishes to create a typology through detailed analysis of villa plans alone, without attending to questions of elevations, style, decoration or artefact distributions. According to him the lines on the page representing the walls carry enough information to interpret the social organisationof the house and the relations of the owner with others. This single-mindedness of method makes it only usefull as a reference for domestic architecture in the north.

Review of John R. Clarke. 2000. AJA 104. 150-151. (map 3)

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SODINI, Jean-Pierre

Sodini, J-P. 2003. Archaeology and the late antique social structures. In: L. Lavan and W. Bowden (eds) Theory and Practice in Late Antique Archaeology. Leiden: Brill. 25-48.

Very usefull article describing all social classes and the material evidence (mostly residential architecture) we can find of them.

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Thébert, Y. 1987. Het persoonlijk leven en de woningarchitectuur van Romeins Afrika. Translated by A. Bakker. In: P. Veyne (ed). Geschiedenis van het persoonlijk leven. Van het Romeinse Rijk tot het jaar duizend. Amsterdam. 253-327.


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Walker, S. 1983. Women and housing in Classical Greece. In: A. Cameron and A. Kuhrt (ed) Images of Women in Antiquity. London. 81-91.

Study of the physical organization of the domestic environment as a key to understanding social relationships. She sees the cultural pattern of devided male and female spaces as an organizing principle of the house, based on as well the examination of the archaeological evidence for Athenian houses as the literary evidence, which seems to speak of the seclusion of women within "women's quarters".

Against this view see: Marilyn Y. Goldberg.

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Wallace-Hadrill, A. 1997. Rethinking the Roman atrium house. In: R. Laurence en A. Wallace-Hadrill (ed) Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond (Journal of Roman Archaeology. Supplementary Series Number 22). Portsmouth, RI. 219-240.

Existing evidence of recent excavations (Nappo, Dickmann) challenges evolutionary accounts of the development of the atrium house in Italy. Wallace-Hadrill finds that there was a new dynamism and creativity in Roman housing in the 2nd century BC, which y the time of Vitruvius was formulated into a cultural tradition of what the Roman house was. It would appear that this tradition masked the establishments of these cultural forms.

Wallace-Hadrill, A. 1995. The organization of space in Pompeii. In: T.J. Cornell and K. Lomas (ed). Urban Society in Roman Italy. London. 63-78.

This paper uses Pompeii to suggest that the Roman landscape was differently charged overall, so that for every area of positive charge there must be an area of negative charge set against it. On one hand small bars and brothels are very scarce in the center of the city (on the main routes around the fora) while on the other hand a study of the wheel-ruts in the paving of the streets suggests that there was little trafic around the forum. According to Wallace-Hadrill we can conclude that traffic is devided into seen and unseen (51). The spatial division in Pompeii shows that between the temples processions might roll, whilethe heavy traffic of commerce is kept out of the center and sent around the winding streets at the back. The same is true for the buidings and activities. The counterpart to the purification of the center is the displacement and concentrations of impure activities (bars, brothels,...) in another inconspicuous and hidden, but nevertheless central area. The aedile played an important role in separating the twe contrasting yet interlocked worlds: one is of public life, the other is the world of commerce and services, with the activities least appropiate for the forum those which bring most intense physical satisfaction: drinking, eating and sex (cfr. Seneca).

Wallace-Hadrill, A. 1994. Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum. Princeton, NJ.


Wallace-Hadrill, A. 1991a. Houses and Households: Sampling Pompeii and Herculaneum. In: B. Rawson (ed) Marriage, Divorce, and Childern in Ancient Rome. Oxford. 191-227.

Using the principle of the Big House (large houses as crowed social units) used for the atrium houses in Pompeii. And using statistics to estimate the total number of inhabitants of Pompeii by estimating the number of inhabitants per room in a certain type of house and extrapolating it over the total amount of rooms.

Wallace-Hadrill, A. 1991b. Introduction. In: J. Rich and A. Wallace-Hadrill (ed) City and Country in the ancient World. London. ix-xviii.

Introduction to the papers about the relationship between city and country presented in this book. Wallace-Hadrill stresses that as well with the rise of the polis (xii) as with the rise of the economic power of the Roman empire (xiii) the relation between country side with it smaller settlements and the urban center was of imperative importance. He concludes that everybody agrees that the ancient city needs to be seen in the context of its relations with the countryside, but that there is deep disagreement about the nature of those relations. One view is the Weber/Finley model with the city as consumer. Wallace-Hadrill suggests on the contrary that the landowning elite living in the cities for the social and political contacts, soon embaced the world of trade.

Wallace-Hadrill, A. 1991b. Elites and trade in the Roman town. In: J. Rich and A. Wallace-Hadrill (ed) City and Country in the ancient World. London. ix-xviii.

Wallace-Hadrill rejects the idea that the urban elite only recieved income from their estates on the coutryside. Although there was some kind of etiquette of knightly manners that agriculture and not trade was the proper occupation for a gentleman, that by no means excluded the persuit of profit for the nobility. The excavation of houses and shops offers valuable evidence of the degree to which the elite did or did not seek to distance itself from trade. Examination of elite housing in Pompeii shows no trace of the avoidance of the commercial. On the contrary public live and commerce intertwined, because political power also depended on the posibily to get clientes. In addition, the treatment of urban property in legal sources shows that houses were subject to all the complications of the patterns of Roman inheritance, transmission and sale and that real estate was seen as a valuable source of rental income. It is likely that the ruling elites also were major owners and exploiters of urban property.

Wallace-Hadrill, A. 1990. The social spread of Roman luxury: sampling Pompeii. Papers of the British school at Rome 58. 145-192.


Wallace-Hadrill, A. 1988. The social structure of the Roman house. Papers of the British school at Rome 56. 43-97.


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Walmsley, A. 2007. Households at Pella, Jordan: Domestic destruction deposits of the mid-8th c. In: L. Lavan, E. Swift and T. Putzeys (eds) Objects in Context, Objects in Use. Material Spatiality in Late Antiquity. Late Antique Archaeology 5. Leiden: Brill. 239-272.

The excavation of 6 courtyard houses at Pella in the Jordan Valley, destroyed in a massive earthquake in the mid-8th c. A.D., provides an exceptional opportunity to study a wide range of objects from daily life within a secure archaeological context. The recovery of detailed information about the layout of buildings and the contextual origin of the many domestic objects recovered permit a full reconstruction of life in the household, especially the use of space. Generally, the upstairs area served as the primary living quarters, whereas the ground fl oor was used to house valuable domestic animals and for light workshop activities.

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Ward-Perkins, B. 1981. Two Byzantine houses at Luni. In: Papers of the British School at Rome 49. 91-98.

Preliminary excavation report of 2 late 6th c AD houses at Luni (Italy). These houses belong to the humbler life in early medieval Italy and are similar to houses of the Germanic North. This fact raises questions about similarities and differences between the mediterranean world and its northern neighbours.

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WILK, Richard R.

Wilk, R. R. 1990. The built environment and consumer decisions. In: S. Kent (ed) Domestic Architecture and the use of Space. An Interdisciplinary Cross-cultural Study. Cambridge. 34-42.

The author treats the house as a product of consumption. People balance the various options and accordingly deciside on how to built their houses. Therefore research should focus on the human actors and the full range of factors that affect their desicions. And these are not the ones that are usually considered.

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Wilson, R.J.A. 2003. Roman Housing. Journal of Roman Archaeology 16. 582-584.

Review of Ellis's work on "Roman Housing" indicating the (many) shortcomings of the book, especially concerning structure, illustrations and other errors and misconceptions.

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Zanker, P. 1979. Die Villa als Vorbild des spätpompejanischen Whongeschmacks. In: Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts 94. 60-523.

Detailed description of the decoration and gardens of some of the grand houses in Pompeii, and the function of this decoration.


Zeitler, J.P., 1990. Houses, sherds and bones: Aspects of daily life in Petra. In: S. Kerner (ed) The Near East in Antiquity. German Contributions to the Archaeology of Jordan, Palestine, Syria, Lebanon and Egypt. Vol. I. Amman: Al Kutba Publishers. 39-51.

Sequence of domestic occupation from the 1st century BC till the 5th century AD in Petra. Aspects of private architecture, diet food preparation and husbandry are considered. Dense article. Type of evidence: structural and artefactual (especially pottery and animal bones). Type of deposits: abandonment deposits and accumulation of debris. REMARK: especially interesting for the discovery of bones from a newborn child found at the bottom of a pot. The bones must have been deposited in some unknown singular event during the occupation (or abandonment ?) of the building (p.44-45).

Opgesteld door Toon Putzeys december 2002
Laatst vernieuwd in december 2008