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The Dutch Republic (c.1645-1670)

Joost van den Vondel Text of a Latin play by Vergil, performed by Van den Enden's pupils Date of publication of 'Philedonius' From a poster for Van den Enden's play 'Philedonius' From a poster for Van den Enden's play 'Philedonius' From a poster for Van den Enden's play 'Philedonius' From the records of the Amsterdam City Theatre Printer's device on the title page of 'Philedonius' Amsterdam City Theatre Amsterdam City Theatre Amsterdam City Theatre Van den Enden's Dutch summary of Terence's 'Andria'

Franciscus van den Enden: Latin Teacher.
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The first evidence that Van den Enden had opened a Latin school in Amsterdam dates from February 8, 1654, when his pupils presented a play or a 'tableau vivant' on the occasion of the marriage of Cornelia van Vlooswijck (1635-1677). She was a daughter of Cornelis van Vlooswijck (1601-1687), one of the Amsterdam Burgomasters, and Anna van Hoorn (1608-1666), who helped to secure a lucrative job at the 'Bank van Leening' (credit bank) for Joost van den Vondel (1587-1679) at a time when the poet had got deep into debt1. Cornelia married one Pieter Melis (1625-1678), Lord of Saaftinge, who was born in Ghent, but after his marriage lived with his wife on the Singel in Amsterdam and apparently abandoned the Roman Catholic faith, as all his children were baptized as Remonstrants2. The title page of a publication accompanying the 'tableau vivant' clearly stated that it had been performed “by eenige Amsterdamsche Studenten, onder het beleyt van D. Franciscus van den Enden” (by some Amsterdam students under the direction of Mr Franciscus van den Enden). The title described the piece as the Verhael van de verwoestinge des Stadts Troje (Story of the destruction of the city of Troy) and the text itself was taken from the first and second book of Virgil's Aeneid3. The publication was printed by the Mennonite Pieter la Burgh (1619-1689), and presented the original Latin text facing a Dutch prose translation by Vondel that had been published for the first time in 16464. The work was prefaced by a brief dedication by Van den Enden to the newly-wed couple5:

As a reason why I have dedicated this recital from the Prince of Poets to Your Honours, I know not to give any other than that I sought an occasion to congratulate Your Honours publicly by some external testimony and to show to all the World that I am not only committed, but also capable, of devoting all that I can and know to the service of Your Honours and both your families.
This is brief, clear and thorough, and such that I will rather show it with works than avow it in words. God keep Your Honours a long time in good health and to your salvation.
Your Humble Servant.
Franciscus van den Enden

Singel in Amsterdam by Reinier Nooms

The Singel in Amsterdam, between the Raamsteeg and the Heisteeg, with the Jan Rodenpoortstoren in the background. Etching by Reinier Nooms, c. 1659. A higher resolution zoomable image can be viewed at the Amsterdams Gemeentearchief.

Push the button below to see a map of the Singel.

It is therefore not implausible that Van den Enden, who after all had been declared bankrupt in September 1652 and shortly thereafter was able to open a school on the Singel, a respectable canal street, was at the time supported by the powerful Vlooswijck family, who also acted as patrons to Vondel6. Moreover, at least one, and probably two, sons of Cornelis van Vlooswijck, Nicolaes and Johan, became pupils at Van den Enden's school7. They, together with the other pupils, took roles in the classical plays which were performed under his direction at the Amsterdam City Theatre. In January 1657, his pupils acted in four performances, two of Terence's Andria, on January 16 and 17, and two of a Neo-Latin play by Van den Enden, Philedonius, on January 13 and 278. A year later they again appeared on four nights, this time to present Terence's Eunuchus, “played in Latin with a Comedy in Greek by some Students” on May 21 and 22, and Seneca's Troas (or Troades) on May 28 and 299. One of Van den Enden's pupils in this period, Benedictus de Spinoza (1632-1677), was almost certainly involved in these performances and probably played the role of the slave in Terence's Eunuchus, as he would later often quote from this play10. The young Nicolaes van Vlooswijck (1638-1674) played the leading role in Van den Enden's Philedonius, as is clear from a poem by Vondel mentioned below.

Virgil, Verhael van Troje (1654)

Textbook accompanying Van den Enden's production of the second and third books of Virgil's Aenead, printed with a Dutch translation by Joost van den Vondel.

The Neo-Latin play Philedonius, in three acts, was published in 1657 at Amsterdam and was printed by Kornelis de Bruin, who also printed several of Vondel's tragedies11. The play itself will not be discussed here, as it is the subject of another page on this website (go there), and only a few brief remarks are in place. In the tradition of the Jesuit theatre, an argumentum12 or 'kort begryp' (brief contents), meant to help the spectators who were not familiar with Latin to follow the plot, was published by Tymon Houthaak, who frequently collaborated with Jan Rieuwertsz (c.1617-1687) and who is known as the printer of several Dutch translations by Jan Hendriksz Glazemaker (1620-1682), including many works by René Descartes (1596-1650)13. The plot of Philedonius was loosely based on the Pinax or Tabula, at the time generally believed to be written by Cebes of Thebes, a pupil of Socrates, but now considered to be the work of an anonymous Stoic author of the 1st or 2nd century A.D. The Tabula were an edifying work that was extremely popular in that period and may have been an inspiration for Pilgrim's Progress by John Bunyan (1628-1688)14. The Tabula were, moreover, considered an excellent didactical tool to teach Greek as well as morality to young people, as was, for example, pointed out by John Milton (1608-1674) in his educational treatise addressed to Samuel Hartlib (c.1600-1662), and in the Ratio studiorum, the official Jesuit educational program15. It can hardly be a coincidence, given the many personal links between the people involved, that one year after the performance of Philedonius, a translation of the Tabula by Glazemaker was printed by Tymon Houthaak and sold by Jan Rieuwertsz16.

Cebesl, Tafereel (Tabula), 1658

Title page of Epictetus's Handbook, with the Pinax or Tabula by 'Cebes', translated by Glaemaker and published by Rieuwertsz. in 1658. A higher resolution image can be viewed on the STCN database (see image)

Probably around the time of the performance of Philedonius, a translation into Dutch was made, most likely by Nicolaes van Vlooswyck, or perhaps by Van den Enden himself or with his assistance17, but this translation was never published and only survived in manuscript form18. The published text of Philedonius was prefaced by a poem by Vondel, dedicated to the nineteen-year old Nicolaes van Vlooswijck, and praising him for playing the leading role19. Althought the abundant praise in the poem was primarily aimed at Vlooswijck, some of it certainly also reflected on Van den Enden:

Who cheerfully teaches and edifies deserves the praise of God
Wisdom is one and the same, education
  Diverse in means. Wisdom speaks
In church, school, and theatre: here neither tongue
Nor speech is missing. It can also work silently
In the hearts of people, and it preaches through silent signs:
  Because lettertype, paint, and print show its meaning,
And represent its aim to eye and brain.20

Joos van den Vondel by Jan Lievens

Jan Lievens, Joost van den Vondel (etching, 28.4 x 23.8 cm). A high resolution zoomable image can be viewed at the Beeldbank of the Gemeentearchief Amsterdam (see image).

Vondel's poem was not the only one to mention Philedonius and the actors that played in it. Much later, in 1691, the Collegiant Joachim Oudaen (1628-1692) attacked the engraver and author Romeyn de Hooghe (1645-1708) and in one effort vented his spleen on Van den Enden, suggesting that De Hooghe, as a pupil, had played a role in Philedonius21. Much earlier, possibly not long after the performance, another more positive poem was written by Pieter Rixtel (c.1644-1673), probably also a pupil of Van den Enden: “Recollection of the Morality play Philedonius or Lustheart, brought to the stage by the highly learned Sir Dr. Franciscus van den Enden”22. Rixtel also wrote a poem for Boetius van Elslandt (c.1627-1678), a jurist, amateur poet and the father of another pupil, Jan van Elslandt (°1658), who as an eight-year old was learning Latin under Van den Enden23. Although some scholars name several other people as pupils of Van den Enden, the list obtained so far - Nicolaes and Johan van Vlooswijck, Benedictus de Spinoza, Romeyn de Hooghe, Pieter Rixtel and Jan van Elslandt - cannot be made much longer24. One early eighteenth-century source suggest that a son of burgomaster Gillis Valckenier (1624-1680), possibly Wouter, was also a pupil, but the reference is too vague to be absolutely certain25. Although Albert Burgh (1650-1708) was previously suggested as a pupil in the literature, this was purely conjecture, but there are now some indications that he did indeed study at Van den Enden's school26 . Finally, one more name, that of the physician Theodoor Kerckrinck (1638-1693), can be added with certainty, and - as far as the available sources allow us to ascertain - Van den Enden's bond with this pupil was the most long-lasting and thoroughgoing27.

Romeyn de Hooghe by Jacob Houbraken

Jacob Houbraken, Romeyn de Hooghe (1645-1708), pupil of Franciscus van den Enden (engraving, 20.2 x 16.8 cm). A much higher resolution zoomable image can be viewed at the Beeldbank of the Gemeentearchief Amsterdam (see image).

Several scholars, interested in Van den Enden's influence on Spinoza's philosophy, have made suggestions as to the scope and detail of the education provided by him. Generally, there is a tendency to assume that Van den Enden was instrumental in the propagation of modern philosophy and science, more specifically the theories of Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527), Nicolaus Copernicus (1473-1543), Thomas More (1478-1535), Tycho Brahe (1546-1601), Giordano Bruno (1548-1600), Francis Bacon (1561-1626), Galileo Galilei (1564-1642), Johannes Kepler (1571-1630), William Harvey (1578-1657), Hugo Grotius (1583-1645), Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), Pierre Gassendi (1592-1655), René Descartes (1596-1650), and Christiaan Huygens (1629-1695)28. There is, however, no evidence at all that Van den Enden acquainted his pupils with the texts or ideas of these philosophers and scientists, and in most cases there even is not the slightest indication that Van den Enden himself was familiar with their theories. For the period before the 1660s, it is obvious, for example from the play Philedonius, that Van den Enden was very knowledgeable about classical literature and mythology and that, as far as philosophy was concerned, he obviously knew the Tabula and its alleged author Cebes, and was also familiar with the names of at least Plato and Pythagoras29. However, the few modern philosophers who can be positively linked to Van den Enden, such as Machiavelli, Grotius and Descartes, seem to have left no mark in Van den Enden's earlier texts and are only mentioned in sources postdating the 1650s30. Moreover, in at least one case, that of Machiavelli, there are strong indications that Van den Enden 'discovered' this political theorist somewhere between 1662 and 166531.

Vondel's 'Tooneelkrans' (1657)

Joost van den Vondel's Tooneelkrans (1657), dedicated to Van den Enden's pupil Nicolaes van Vlooswijck, who played the leading role in the play Philedonius.

It would therefore seem that the 'lists' of modern thinkers who are supposed to have shaped the education offered by Van den Enden are merely random selections that are largely based on the imagination of present-day scholars. The evidence at hand, by contrast, suggests that Van den Enden's tuition was largely in line with the educational programme that had formed him, and that he himself had followed as a teacher in the Jesuit colleges in Flanders (for his teaching career in Flanders, see the biographical page about the period in the Spanish Netherlands: go there). The primary goal of this education was to train pupils to become fluent in Latin (and Greek), to perfect their rhetorical competence and eloquence, and to teach them skills that were considered conducive to this goal, such as playing music, drawing and acting32. This, of course, does not mean that other course subjects were completely absent: history, geography, ethics or logics, for example, were also part of the Jesuit curriculum, but such topics were generally integrated in the linguistic education. It is also likely that Van den Enden, particularly with his older pupils, discussed other subjects, such as medicine, astronomy or mathematics33. However, there is no conclusive evidence that these advanced courses were exceptionally 'modern', and - if this aspect of his teaching was in line with the rest of the education that he provided - it seems more reasonable to expect theories that were based on the scholastic and Arestotelian-Thomistic intellectual tradition that would have been most familiar to him34.

Amsterdam City Theatre

The Amsterdam City Theatre. A higher resolution image available at the site of the National Library of the Netherlands (see image).

It seems that in the years 1657 and 1658, with eight performances in the Amsterdam City Theatre, Van den Enden was at the peak of his educational and theatrical career. In later years there are occasional reports about other theatrical activities, such as the peformance of Medea, in which two of Van den Enden's daughters, the barely thirteen year old Marianna and the fifteen year old Adriana Clementina, played important roles, but it is almost certain that Van den Enden was never again able to have his pupils perform in the Amsterdam City Theatre35. Performances by pupils in classical plays, moreover, were not without critics. As early as January 4, 1657, some ten days before the first night of Philedonius, the Reformed Consistory of Amsterdam warned its members that “one Van den Enden, popish schoolmaster of this city, is intending to have his pupils, among whom would be some children of members, play a comedy by Terence in the Theatre”36. Although the Consistory decided to “do something against this as much as is possible”, and to “begin by talking to the parents who are members, to request them with many reasons to not allow their children [to do] such [a thing]”, this apparently did not prevent the plays from being performed that year nor in the next year. These critical comments by the Consistory are also remarkable, as at this time they still label Van den Enden a 'Roman Catholic' and as they did not mention Philedonius, of which the Consistory was either unaware, or which was not considered a direct threat to the teachings of the Reformed Church.

Jan Luyken, 'The Schoolmaster' (1704)

The Schoolmaster, from Jan Luycken's Spiegel Van Het Menselyk Bedryf, Amsterdam, 1704, p. 129. A high resolution reproduction of the entire book can be viewed at the Wolfenbütteler Digitale Bibliothek (go to book).

Although the theatrical successes of the second half of the 1650s must have been a source of pleasure for Van den Enden, who also seems to have gained some social status in this period, his personal life was not without its misfortunes. In 1654, a daughter had been born to Franciscus van den Enden and Clara Maria Vermeeren, who was baptized Maria on November 14 in the Catholic 'hidden church' De Lely37. This was a seventh child for Clara Maria, who by then must have been in her mid-thirties or older, and, as with Anna and Jacobus, the child would not reach adulthood. On May 7, 1657, just a few months after Philedonius and Terence's Andria had been put on stage, “Claera Maria Vermeren on the cingel” was buried in Amsterdam38. The cause of her death remains unknown, but it must have caused great grief in the Van den Enden household39. It is also possible that her death precipitated the beginning of the school's decline, as it is not unlikely that Clara Maria Vermeeren was its organizational force40.


(1) The date of the marriage is mentioned by Meininger and Van Suchtelen, and can also be found in Elias. J.V. Meininger & G. van Suchtelen, Liever met wercken als met woorden, Weesp: Heureka, 1980, p. 5 and J.E. Elias, De vroedschap van Amsterdam 1578-1795, Amsterdam: N. Israel, 1963, vol. I, p. 483. The suggestion by Meininger and Van Suchtelen that this 'tableau vivant' was performed at the city theatre is not confirmed by the records of that theatre, and it therefore seems more likely that Van den Enden's pupils performed the play at the house of burgomaster Vlooswijck or possibly at Van den Enden's school. See E. Oey-De Vita & M. Geesink, Academie en schouwburg. Amsterdams toneelrepertoire 1617-1665, Amsterdam: Huis aan de drie grachten, 1983. The account of how Anna Hoorn secured the job at the Bank van Leeninge for Vondel can be found in the biography of the poet by Geeraardt Brandt, which was added to a posthumous collection of his poetical works. Joost van den Vondel, Poëzy of Verscheide Gedichten. Op een nieu by een vergadert, en met veele ook voorheen nooit gedrukte dichten vermeerdert: Mitsgaders een aanleidinge ter Nederduitsche Dichtkunste, en het Leven des Dichters, Franeker: Leonard Strik, 1682, p. 63 (this biography is available online, see note 6).

(2) Information on Pieter or Petrus Melis, Lord of Saaftinge, is difficult to find, but according to Elias he was born in Ghent in 1625. Although all his children who were recorded in the Amsterdam archive were baptized as Remonstrants, he was buried in the Roman Catholic church at Doel, near Antwerp, probably because of his position as Lord of Saaftinge. At least one of his sons, Petrus Melis (1655-1736), later converted to Catholicism, and became the president of the 'Holland College' at Louvain and canon of Brughes Cathedral, but was forced to resign because he was a Jansenist. See i.a. J.E. Elias, De vroedschap van Amsterdam, vol. I, p. 483, F. de Potter & J. Broeckaert, Geschiedenis van de gemeenten der provincie Oost-Vlaanderen, vol. 24, Gent: Annoot-Braeckman, 1878, p. 33, and P.C. Molhuysen (ed.), Nieuw Nederlandsch Biografisch Woordenboek, Leiden: A.W. Sijthoff, 1911, vol. I, col. 1328. The children listed in the records of Amsterdam were Pieter, baptized on June 10, 1655, Jan, baptized September 16, 1656, Cornelis, baptized November 20 1658, and Anna Constantia, baptized August 24, 1660. See Gemeentearchief Amsterdam (henceforth GAA), Doop- Trouw- en Begraafregisters (henceforth DTB), source 301, respectively pp. 62, 67, 73 & 79.

(3) Virgilius, Verhael van de verwoestinge des Stadts Troje. Uyt het tweede, en ten deele uyt het eerste Boeck van Virgilius. Voorgestelt, en door levende Afbeeldinge verthoont by eenige Amsterdamsche Studenten, onder het beleyt van D. Franciscus van den Enden, Amsterdam: Pieter la Burgh, 1654.

(4) See 'Het leven van Vondel' prefacing the 6th volume of Vondel's collected works: J.F.M. Sterck et al. (eds.), De werken van Vondel. Zesde deel: Vondels Vergilius-vertalingen, Amsterdam: De Maatschappij voor goede en goedkoope lectuur, 1932, p. 5. Pieter Ysbrandtsz la Burgh was baptized as a Flemish Mennonite in the congregation the 'Lam' at Amsterdam on May 25, 1643. He earned his living as a printer, book seller and civet merchant, and his publications included religious works, travel stories, philosophical works and mathematical text books. He sometimes co-operated with the publisher Jan Rieuwertsz (c.1617-1687) and with the translator Jan Hendricksz Glazemaker (c.1620-1680), who were both Flemish Mennonites and acquainted with Van den Enden and Spinoza. GAA, 1120, inv. 11, p. 24, M.M. Kleerkooper & W.P. van Stockum, De boekhandel te Amsterdam voornamelijk in de 17e eeuw, 's-Gravenhage, 1914-16 (2 vols.), vol. I, pp. 337-338 , and I. Prins, "Gegevens betreffende de 'oprechte Hollandsche civet'", Economisch-Historisch Jaarboek, 20 (1936), pp. 3-211, pp. 154, 167, 171 & 182-187.

(5) Virgilius, Verhael van de verwoestinge des Stadts Troje, f. ***2. The original text is available on this site (view source document).

(6) See the biography by Geeraerdt Brandt (1626-1685) in the 1682 edition of Vondel's Poëzy of Verscheide Gedichten, pp. 63-64 . This biography is available online at the DBNL site (see document) and the Ceneton site (see document). It is possible, although documentary evidence lacks, that Van den Enden became acquainted with the Vlooswijck family through Petrus Melis, who was born in Flanders. It is unknown when exactly Van den Enden moved to the Singel and in which house on this long canal street he installed his school. Although the earliest known document that mentions this address is the burial record of his wife Clara Maria Vermeeren, dated May 7, 1657 (view source document), it is likely that he moved there soon after his bankruptcy in the summer of 1652, as the house where he ran his art shop was owned by the governors of the leper house, who also were his creditors. Most likely, Van den Enden and his family lived in the house on the Singel until they moved to Paris, as this was the address given in the notification of intended marriage of his daughter Clara Maria with Theodoor Kerckrinck, dated February 5, 1671 (view source document).

(7) The anonymous author, possibly Ysbrand Vincent (1641-1718), of the preface to the third edition of Gebruik én misbruik des tooneels by Andries Pels (1631-1681) says that “the two Sons of the Lord Burgomaster Jan Vlooswyk” played parts in Latin and Greek plays that were performed in the Amsterdam theatre. As the only plays in classical languages that were performed at the theatre in this period were the ones by Van den Enden, and as Nicolaes van Vlooswijck certainly played a role in at least one of them, it seems likely that another of the Vlooswijck sons, probably Johan van Vlooswijck (1641-1681), was also a pupil of Van den Enden (Elias lists no other sons of Cornelis van Vlooswijck). Andries Pels, Gebruik én misbruik des tooneels (3rd ed.), Amsterdam: H. van de Gaete & H. Bos, 1718, ff. *7r-v & *8r-v (see source document) and Elias, De vroedschap van Amsterdam, vol. I, p. 482,

(8) Oey-De Vita & Geesink, Academie en schouwburg, pp. 129, 188, 195 & 250. The plays were said to have been performed “by several students” and “by Latin students”. Apparently, the audience only had to pay for the premiere of Philedonius, as the box-office receipts for that night were 11 guilders and 15 stivers, and none of the other performances mentions any receipts. The receipts for the Philedonius premiere were very modest, probably because of low admission prices: the other plays that were performed that month in the City Theatre had on average made 189 guilders.

(9) Oey-de Vita & Geesink, Academie en schouwburg, pp. 133, 197 & 250.

(10) Akkerman in a paper entitled "Spinoza's tekort aan woorden" was able to show that Spinoza was very familiar with several plays of Terence, but above all with the Andria and Eunuchus. Akkerman was able to find some twenty-five quotes from the Eunuchus and some fifteen quotes from the Andria in Spinoza's writings. F. Akkerman, Studies in the Posthumous Works of Spinoza: on Style, Earliest Translation and Reception, Earliest and Modern Edition of Some Texts, Meppel: Krips repro, 1980, pp. 1-24.

(11) Franciscus van den Enden, Philedonius. Tonneelspel; slaande op de woorden des wijzemans: In alle uwe werken gedenk uwe uitersten, en ghy zult in der eeuwigheit niet zondigen. Ten tonneele gebracht op den doorluchtigen schouwburch van Amsterdam, Amsterdam: Kornelis de Bruin, 1657. Kornelis de Bruin also printed a Dutch translation of a work by Descartes (for Jan Rieuwertsz) and a defence of Collegiantism by Caspar Luyken (°c.1608), the father of Jan Luyken (1649-1712). A French translation of Philedonius was published by Marc Bedjai: Franciscus van den Enden, Philedonius (ed., transl., annot. & intro. M. Bedjai), Paris: Éd. Kimé, 1994. As far as can be told, only three copies of Philedonius are still in existence, one at the University Library of Amsterdam (UBA, UBM: 2575 B 23 (1)), one at the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris (Tolbiac-Rez-de-jardin-magasin, YI-1195) and one in the Stadsbibliotheek of Haarlem (73 G 4:3). The location of the last copy could not be confirmed, but it is mentioned in Franciscus van den Enden, Philedonius (ed., transl., annot. & intro. M. Bedjai), p. 38.

(12) R. van Aerde, Het schooldrama bij de jezuïeten, Mechelen: H. Dierickx-Beke, s.a. [1938], p. 52-54. A late example of an argumentum is printed as a facsimile in J. IJsewijn, "Theatrum Belgo-Latinum. Het neolatijns toneel in de Nederlanden", Mededelingen van de koninklijke academie voor wetenschappen, letteren en schone kunsten van België. Klasse der letteren, 43 (1981), I, pp. 69-114, Bijlage III, pp. 111-114.

(13) Franciscus van den Enden, Philedonius. Tooneelspel vertoont en opgedragen aan de E.E. Heeren burgermeesters en regeerders van Amsterdam, in den doorluchtigen schouwburgh dezer stede, door jonge Latynisten, onder het beleit van Franciscus van den Enden, medicinae dr, Amsterdam: Tymon Houthaak, s.a. [1657]. Houthaak that same year also published Terence's Andria, very likely on the occasion of the performance of that play by Van den Enden's pupils. He printed the Dutch translation of some seven works by Descartes and also a Dutch translation of the Alcoran.

(14) For its immense popularity in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Europe, see e.g. W.J. Ong, "From Allegory to Diagram in the Renaissance Mind: A Study in the Significance of the Allegorical Tableau", The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, vol. 17, no. 4 (June 1959), pp. 423-440, pp. 433-435. That Philedonius was based on the Tabula is explicitly stated in the poem by Vondel that prefaces the published text of the play. Van den Enden, Philedonius, ff. *2r-*2v (see source document).

(15) Milton labels it an “easie and delightfull book of Education”. [John Milton], Of Education. To Master Samuel Hartlib, s.l. [London]: s.n., s.a. [1644] p. 4. The Ratio studiorum considers it an appropriate text to be studied in the second semester of the middle grammar class. A.P. Farrell (ed.), The Jesuit Ratio Studiorum of 1599, Washington: s.n., 1970, p. 88.

(16) J.H. Glazemaker (transl.), Epiktetus Redenen door Arrianus, zijn Toehoorder, vergadert; met des zelfs Hantboek, en Onderwijzingen; Cebes Tafereel en Zedige Gedachten van M. Aurelius Antonius, Kaizer van Romen [...], Amsterdam: Tymon Houthaak & Jan Rieuwertsz, 1658.

(17) The manuscript is signed 'v. Vlooswyk', but Bedjai thinks that the text was dictated by Van den Enden. However, Meininger and Van Suchtelen judge the translation to be “literally, but childish and not adequate”, which would suggest that Nicolaes van Vlooswijck was indeed the translator. M. Bedjai, "La découverte de l'édition du Philedonius (1657) à la B.N.", Revue de la Bibliothèque Nationale, nr. 49 (Automne 1993), p. 47 and Meininger & Van Suchtelen, Liever met wercken, als met woorden, p. 139, note 3.

(18) The manuscript is bound with the copy of Philedonius, kept at the University Library of Amsterdam, and it is not catalogued separately (UBA, UBM: 2575 B 23 (1)). The text is available on this website (see source document).

(19) The full title of Vondel's poem is “Tooneelkrans voor den Edelen Jongkheere Nikolaes van Vlooswyk, toen hy de rol van Filedonius of Lusthart, by Doct. Franciscus van den Enden, op 's Wijzemans spreuk, door zijne Latijnisten ten tooneele gevoert, zoo loflijk en stichtig uitbeelde” (Theatrical laurel for the Honourable Squire Nicolaes van Vlooswijck, when he so commendably and upliftingly played the role of Philedonius or Lustheart, by Doct. Franciscus van den Enden, on the saying of the Wise man, performed on stage by his Latinists). The poem was printed as a 'preface' to the text of Philedonius and was published the same year in the second part of the poetical compilation Klioos Kraam. van den Enden, Philedonius, ff. *2r-v and [Henrik Rintjus (ed)], Klioos Kraam, vol verscheiden gedichten. De Tweede Opening, Leeuwarden: Henrik Rintjus, 1657, pp. 235-236.

(20) A facsimile of the full poem can be found in Meininger & Van Suchtelen, Liever met wercken als met woorden, p. 164. The full text is also available on this site: see source document.

(21) Relevant parts of the poem are quoted in Meininger & Van Suchtelen, Liever met wercken als met woorden, p. 128.

(22) “Zin-erineringh van het Zin-spel Philedonius ofte Lusthart, ten Toneele gevoert door den hoog-geleerden Heer Dr. Franciscus van den Enden”. Pieter Rixtel, Mengel-rymen, Haerlem: Vincent Casteleyn, 1669, pp. 23-25. A facsimile is printed in Meininger & Van Suchtelen, Liever met wercken als met woorden, p. 40, and the full text is available online (see source document). Pieter Rixtel, who was probably from Haarlem, was baptized in Amsterdam on February 25, 1663, as a Waterland Mennonite. GAA, 1120, inv. 124, f. 11v. Although the poem might be written shortly after the performance of Philedonius, it is also possible it was written at a later date, as another poem by Rixtel that concerns Van den Enden should be dated later than suggested by Meininger and van Suchtelen (see the next note). Whether Rixtel was a pupil of Van den Enden cannot be determined on the basis of the known documents, but several of his poems seem to suggest Rixtel was well aware of Van den Enden's activities as a teacher.

(23) Pieter Rixtel, Mengel-rymen, pp. 16-17. An extract from the poem is printed in Meininger & Van Suchtelen, Liever met wercken als met woorden, pp. 31-32 and the full text is available here online (see source document). The poem was dated c. 1657 by Meininger and Van Suchtelen, as they stated that it was written by Rixtel when he was thirteen years old. However, as Jan van Elslandt was born in 1658 and was eight at the time the poem was written, it should be dated around 1666. Consequently, it is possible that the other poems by Rixtel that concern Van den Enden should also be dated later than is generally assumed. The person to whom the poem was dedicated, Boetius van Elslandt, was himself something of a poet: he wrote a contribution to the poetic collection Olyfcrans der vreede (1649) and an elegy for Caspar Barlaeus (1584-1648), which was answered by a poem by Maria Tesselschade Roemers Visscher (1594-1649). This elegy was written in 1648, but was published for the first time in N.H.A.I.M. (ed.), Apollos harp, Amsterdam: Jan Hendriksz & Jan Rieuwertsz, 1658, p. 318. Boetius van Elslandt in 1674 also added two poems to a small poetical collection on the marriage of the Remonstrant minister Bartholomeus Hartsoeker, to which Geraerd Brandt also added several poems. On the Van Elslandt family, see O. Schutee, "De familie van de dichter Boëtius van Elsland", Nederlandsche Leeuw, vol. 116 (1999), cols. 323-328. Boetius van Elslandt's poem on the marriage of Hartsoeker in N.N., Op het huwelijk van den eerwaerden, godtvruchtigen, geleerden D. Bartholomaeus Hartsoeker, predikant in de remonstrantsche gemeente tot Hoorn, en joffrouw Reynouda Gaerman, s.l.: s.n., s.a. [1674], ff. A2r-A2v. This last collection of poems is available online, at the DBNL site (see poems).

(24) Madeleine Francès in 1937 probably was the first to create a largely fictitious list of pupils, including the brothers Koerbagh, Theodoor Kercrinck, Albert Burgh, Lodewijk Meyer, Simon de Vries and Johannes Casearius, but it is obvious that her repeated claims are purely based on speculation. More recently, Klever claimed that Benedictus de Spinoza, Theodoor Kerckrinck, Pieter Rixtel, Johannes Antonides van der Goes, Adriaen Koerbagh, Johannes Bouwmeester and Lodewijk Meyer were pupils of Van den Enden. However, the last four were probably not pupils of Van den Enden: as Bouwmeester in 1651, Koerbagh in 1653 and Meyer in 1654 went to Leiden University, it is unlikely that they received a preparatory education from Van den Enden, whose school opened around the end of 1652 at the earliest. Moreover, during an interrogation on July 20, 1668, Koerbagh claimed that he had become acquainted with Van den Enden in about 1662. Van der Goes in all likelihood is also incorrectly considered to have been a pupil of Van den Enden, as Sterck shows that he was educated at the Latin School of Adrianus Junius. Another candidate was presented by Ben Albach, who considered it likely that Petrus Francius (1645-1704), later a professor at the Athenaeum Illustre, performed in the plays staged at the Amsterdam theatre, but again no documentary evidence is presented. M. Francès, Spinoza dans les Pays Néerlandais de la seconde moitié du XVIIe siècle, Paris: Félix Alcan, 1937, pp. 59, 138, 225, 243, 250-251 &269, Franciscus van den Enden, Vrije Politijke Stellingen (ed., annot. & intro. W. Klever), pp. 24, 70, 73 & 78, Freudenthal, Die Lebensgeschichte Spinoza's in Quellenschriften, Urkunden und nichtamtlichen Nachrichten, p. 120, Sterck, Hoofdstukken over Vondel en zijn kring, p. 72, and Ben Albach, Langs kermissen en hoven. Ontstaan en kroniek van een Nederlands toneelgezelschap in de 17de eeuw, Zutphen: De Walburg Pers, 1977, p. 81. On Van den Enden's pupils, also see the next page (go there).

(25) Pels, Gebruik én misbruik des tooneels (3rd ed.), f. *7r (see source document).

(26) Spinoza in a letter to Albert Burgh talks about “a God infinite and eternal; not one whom Chastillon, in the town which the Dutch call Tienen, gave with impunity to horses to be eaten”. As Gaspar de Coligny (1584-1646), Count of Châtillon, was the French (Huguenot) general in command of the French troops, this is a clear reference to the sack of Tienen of 1635, which is the theme of Van den Enden's first Neo-Latin poem (more information on this poem on another page: go there). It seems doubtful that Spinoza, who was barely three at the time of the event, would expect that Albert Burgh, who was born many years later in 1650, could understand this allusion to what happened at Tienen, if they had not both in some way been familiar with the story of the consecrated hosts being fed to the horses. Ep. 76 (translation R.H.M. Elwes).

(27) Although it is generally claimed that Kerckrinck was born in 1639 in Hamburg, he was in fact born in 1638 in Amsterdam, where he was baptized in the Lutheran church on July 22, 1638. The mistake was first made by Meinsma, who meant to correct a wrong date given by Banga, and was repeated by most modern biographers of Spinoza, see J. Banga, Geschiedenis der geneeskunde en van hare beoefenaren in Nederland [...], Leeuwarden: W. Eekhoof, 1868, vol. II, p. 564, Meinsma, Spinoza en zijn kring [...], Utrecht: HES, 1980 (1st ed. 1896), p. 138, T. de Vries, Spinoza. Biografie, Amsterdam: De Prom, 2003, p. 80 (p. 92 in 3rd. ed., 1982), M. Gullan-Whur, Within Reason. A Life of Spinoza, London: Jonathan Cape, 1998, p. 76 and S. Nadler, Spinoza. A Life, Camebridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 108. The baptismal records of the Lutheran Church list him as 'Dirck', son of 'Dirck Kerckerinck', with Goodert Kerckerinck and Anna Bas as witnesses, see GAA, DTB, source 140, f. 282. Thedoor Kerckrinck in his Spicigelivm Anatomicvm explicitly says that he was a pupil of Van den Enden. This is confirmed by Pierre Bayle (1647-1706), who in his Dictionaire historique et critique speaks about “Mr. Kerkering, qui étoit son Disciple en même tems que Spinoza”, and by Johannes Colerus (1647-1707) who adds the story about the rivalry between Spinoza and Kerckring over the hand of Clara Maria van den Enden. Theodorus Kerckringius, Spicilegivm Anatomicvm, continens Observationum Anatomicarum rariorum centuriam unam [...], Amstelodami: Andreæ Frisii, 1670, pp. 199-200 (see source document), Pierre Bayle, Dictionaire historique et critique, Amsterdam, Leiden, Den Haag & Utrecht: P. Brunel et al., 1740 (5th ed.), vol. IV, p. 255 (see source document) and for Colerus's statements, see Freudenthal, Die Lebensgeschichte Spinoza's in Quellenschriften, Urkunden und nichtamtlichen Nachrichten, pp. 37-38 (see source document). As Kerckrinck in 1671 became the son-in-law of Van den Enden and as he was clearly involved in the plot against Louis XIV in 1674, both men became family and their relationship can be documented from c.1657 until 1674.

(28) Such claims are found in e.g. Gullan-Whur, Within Reason. A Life of Spinoza, p. 76 (i.a. Descartes, Bacon, Galilei, Gassendi & Brahe), Nadler, Spinoza. A Life, p. 111 (i.a. Bacon, Galilei, Bruno, Machiavelli, Hobbes, Grotius & More, but clearly in conditional terms), De Vries, Spinoza. Biografie, pp. 58-59 & 64 (i.a. Descartes, Gassendi, Machiavelli & Hobbes), J. Rée (ed.), The Concise Encyclopedia of Western Philosophy, New York: Routledge, 2005 (3rd. ed.), p. 363 (i.a. Copernicus, Galilei, Kepler, Harvey, Huygens & Descartes).

(29) Van den Enden, Philedonius, pp. 4 & 9 (Plato) and 15 (Pythagoras).

(30) The first source to label Van den Enden a 'Cartesian' is Borch's diary and dates from April 3, 1662. Olai Borrichii, Itinerarium 1660-1665. The Journal of the Danish Polyhistor Ole Borch. Edited with Introduction and Indices by H.D. Schepelern (4 vols.), Kopenhagen: The Danish Society and Literature, 1983, vol. II, p. 92. The 'modern' sources that are explicitly mentioned in Van den Enden's Kort Verhael van Nieuw Nederland (1662) are (not including the sources of the geographical description): Liewe van Aitzema (1600-1699), Agrippa d'Aubigné (1552-1630), Dirk Raphaelsz Camphuysen (1586-1627), Johan de la Court (1622-1660) and Pieter de la Court (1622-1685), Simon Stevin (1548-1620), and Johan Uytenhage de Mist (1636-1684). See Franciscus van den Enden, Kort Verhael van Nieuw Nederlants Gelegentheit, Deughden, Natuerlijke Voorrechten, en byzondere bequaemheidt ter bevolkingh [...], s.l. [Amsterdam]: s.n. [Jan Rieuwertsz?], 1662, pp. 71-72 (Aitzema), p. 79 (Aubigné), p. 81 (Camphuysen), pp. iv, v, 69, 70, 72, 74 & 77 (De la Courts), p. 74 (Stevin) & pp. iv, 69, 70, 72, 74 & 77 (Uytenhage de Mist). Van den Enden does not mention the De la Courts or Uytenhage de Mist by name, but he refers to their publications.

(31) Machiavelli's name or work is not mentioned at all in the Kort Verhael van Nieuw Nederland (1662), whereas the Florentine and his Discorsi (1531) are not only mentioned or quoted seven times but also discussed at length in the Vrye Politijke Stellingen (1665). Moreover, the classical and modern political and historical authors Lycurgus (c.390-325 B.C.), Polybius (c.201-120 B.C.), Tacitus (c.55-c.116), Antonio de Guevara (c.1480-1545) and Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) are also only mentioned in the Vrye Politijke Stellingen. This strongly suggests that Van den Enden studied these authors after finishing the Kort Verhael van Nieuw Nederland. See Franciscus van den Enden, Vrye Politijke Stellingen [...], Amsterdam: Pieter Arentsz Raep, 1665, pp. 11, 13, 17, 23, 25, 37 & 39 (Machiavelli), pp. 11 & 12 (Lycurgus), pp. 11 & 25 (Polybius), p. 21 (Tacitus), p. 29 (Guevara) & p. 21 (Grotius).

(32) The primary source for the general programme of Jesuit education is the Ratio studiorum, but for the specific application in the Spanish Netherlands, see e.g. A. Poncelet, Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus dans les anciens Pays-Bas [...], Bruxelles: Lamertin, 1927-1928 (2 vols.) and H. Meeus (ed.), Ad maiorem Dei gloriam. Jezuïeten in de Nederlanden tijdens de zeventiende eeuw, Antwerpen : UFSIA, 1997. It is striking that the plays performed by Van den Enden's pupils, with the exception of Seneca's Troades, were explicitly listed in the Ratio studiorum as being appropriate for the highest grammer level, see Farrell (ed.), The Jesuit Ratio Studiorum of 1599, p. 84. It is not impossible that there were music lessons, as Colerus says of Clara Maria van den Enden that she not only helped her father to teach Latin, but that she also instructed pupils in the art of singing, and Rixtel suggests in a poem that she could paint. Freudenthal, Die Lebensgeschichte Spinoza's , p. 37 (see source document) and Rixtel, Mengel-rymen, p. 57 (see source document).

(33) That Van den Enden thought philosophy, medicine and the 'liberal arts' (which can include any of the seven 'artes liberales', grammar, rhetoric, logic, geometry, arithmetic, music and astronomy) to at least Theodoor Kerckrinck, who was eighteen when he became a pupil of Van den Enden, can be deduced from Andreas Frisius's preface to Fortunius Licetus's De Monstris and from a passage in Kerkcrinck's Spicilegivm Anatomicvm. Fortunius Licetus, De Monstris. Ex recensione Gerardi Blasii, M.D. & P.P., Qui Monstra quædam nova & rariora ex recentiorum scriptis addidit. Editio Novissima. Iconibus illustrata, Amstelodami: Sumptibus Andreæ Frisii, 1665, ff. *3r-v (see source document) and Theodori Kerckringii, Spicilegivm Anatomicvm, continens Observationum Anatomicarum rariorum centuriam unam: nec non Osteogeniam Foetvvm [...], Amstelodami: Andreæ Frisii, 1670, pp. 199-200 (see source document). Much later, when Van den Enden was in Paris, Leibniz said that he had a young girl with him, probably Marianna van den Enden, “qui parloit aussi Latin, et faisoit des demonstrations de Geometrie”. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, Die Philosophischen Schriften (ed. C.J. Gerhardt), Band VI, Hildesheim & New York: Georg Olms Verlag, 1978, p. 339, §376 (see source document).

(34) The Ratio studiorum explicitly states that for philosophy the teacher “shall not depart from Aristotle in matters of importance, unless he find some doctrine contrary to the common teaching of the schools or, more serious still, contrary to the true faith” and that “he should always speak favorable of St. Thomas, following him readily when he should, differing from him with respect and a certain reluctance”. The Ratio studiorum also specifies that a number of books by Aristotle, such as the Physics, On the Heavens, On Generation, and the Meteorology, should be used as text books, and finally emphasizes that “the young philosophers are to be trained from the very beginning of logic to consider it a matter of shame to deviate in a disputation from the use of the scholastic form”. The Ratio studiorum recommends that, in the context of the mathematical lessons, “some geography or astronomy or similar matter which the students enjoy hearing about” can be discussed. However, the general rules for all forms of advanced education stipulate that “even in regard to doctrines which do not involve danger to faith and piety, no professor should propose novel opinions in matters of serious import” and that they “should not teach anything that runs counter to the established doctrines of scholastic theologians and the common teaching of the schools”. Farrell (ed.), The Jesuit Ratio Studiorum of 1599, pp. 40-42 (philosophy), 46 (mathematics) & 26 (general rules).

(35) Meininger and Van Suchtelen claimed that Franciscus van den Enden staged the play Medea, written by Lodewijk Meyer, and that this caused Rembrandt to paint his Lucretia of 1664. They adopted this idea from an incorrect interpretation of Meinsma's version of the facts by Goedkoop-de Jongh, as Meinsma never claimed that the play was written by Meyer. On the contrary, it seems more likely that Van den Enden, in line with his earlier theatrical projects, used either Euripides's Greek text or Seneca's Latin adaptation as a script. The confusion was probably the result of the fact that Meyer wrote a poem on the performance of Medea, “in which his daughters Adriana Clementia played Medea, and Maria Anna played Creüsa”. This performance was probably organized in Van den Enden's house, as Willem Goeree would later say that Van de Enden “repeatedly had the Tragedies of Seneca and others performed by his Pupils in Latin at his house”. Meinsma, Spinoza en zijn kring, pp. 202-203, Meininger & Van Suchtelen, Liever met wercken als met woorden, pp. 30-31, J. Goedkoop-De Jongh, "De Man met het Vergrootglas, door Rembrandt", Feest-bundel Dr. Abraham Bredius aangeboden den achttienden april 1915, Amsterdam: Gebroeders Binger, s.a. [1915], pp. 53-60, p. 58 and Willem Goeree, De Kerklyke en Weereldlyke Historien […], Amsterdam: Gerardus & Jakobus Borstius, 1705, p. 665. See elsewhere on this website for the text of Meyer's poem (see source document) and Goeree's statements (see source document).

(36) The note says in full: “Wort bekent ghemaeckt, dat seker Van den Enden, paeps schoolmeester alhier, voor soude hebben binnen 8 à 14 dagen openbaer op het Schouburgh een comedy wt Terentii te laeten speelen door zijne discipelen, waeronder ook zouden zijn eenige ledematen kinderen, is goed gevonden soo veel mogelijk is iets daar tegen te doen, en zal men beginnen met het aenspreken van de ouders, die ledematen zijn, en haar met vele redenen verzoeken, datze hare kinderen zulks niet willen toelaten, en over 8 dagen pro re nata zal verder geresolveert worden, 't welk zal geschieden door de Broeders des quartiers”. Meinsma, Spinoza en zijn kring, pp. 133-134 (see source document).

(37) GAA, DTB 343, p. 10. Maria van den Enden has not been mentioned in the literature, possibly because she was baptized in another Catholic church, De Lely. The witnesses at the baptism were Cornelis Jansz and Magrietie de Koker.

(38) GAA, DTB 1055, f. 95. This burial was first reported in Gullan-Whur, Within Reason. A Life of Spinoza, pp. 72 & 332. That Clara Maria Vermeeren's burial was listed in the records of the Reformed Nieuwe Kerk does not mean that she had converted to Calvinism, as only the Calvinist and Lutheran churches were allowed to arrange funerals (see source document).

(39) A mother would certainly be missed in a household with at least four children ranging between six and fifteen years in age. The sum paid for the funeral, ten guilders and thirteen stivers, seems to indicate that Clara Maria was not given the cheapest possible burial (some adults were buried for eight guilders and children were buried at half the rate, for five guilders and six and a half stivers). As 1657 was not recorded as a plague year, the hypothesis that she died in childbed seems the most plausible, but many other possible causes of death are thinkable. Israel, The Dutch Republic, Its Rise, Greatness, and Fall 1477-1806, p. 625.

(40) This is at least said with regard to Van den Enden's second wife, of whom Ducause de Nazelle states: “cette femme avait beaucoup d'esprit; elle gouvernait la maison avec un très grand ordre et une sage économie. Vanden Enden n'était chargé d'autres soins que de diriger les études"”. Although he had no direct knowledge of what happened in 1657, he says about the death of Clara Maria: “il perdit sa femme, qui soutenait sa fortune chancelante. Ses affaires tombèrent en désordre”. E. Daudet (ed.), Mémoires du temps de Louis XIV par Du Cause de Nazelle, Paris: Librairie Plon, 1899, pp. 107 & 103.

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