The Vexillationes of the Cohortes Tungrorum During the Second Century

Introduction

During the publication of various diplomata, a discussion developed about the vexillationes of the cohortes Tungrorum. A satisfactory solution for this problem was never offered, however. The cause stems from the fact that until now no researcher had the opportunity to examine carefully all of the source material in detail. In this brief contribution we wish to present systematically all the information concerning the vexillationes Tungrorum that is currently available, which in many cases is quite detailed.

All together, three alae and four cohortes were enlisted in the civitas Tungrorum: the ala I Tungrorum, the ala I Tungrorum Frontoniana, the ala I Asturum et Tungrorum, the cohors I Tungrorum milliaria, the cohors II Tungrorum milliaria equitata c.l., the cohors III Tungrorum, and the cohors IV Tungrorum milliaria. In addition, Tungri also served in other military units. The question of the vexillationes relates only to the cohortes Tungrorum. Let us give our attention to these units.

The cohors I Tungrorum milliaria

After the Batavian revolt in 69/70 AD the cohors I Tungrorum was transferred to Britannia together with the cohors II Tungrorum. The diploma of Malpas (CIL, VII, 1193 (= XVI 48); RIB, II, 1, 2401.1.) from the year 103 provides the first attestation of the unit as cohors I Tungrorum milliaria.

The diplomata from Szöny Brigetio (CIL, XVI, 69) and Stannington (CIL, VII, 1195 (= XVI, 70); RIB, II, 1, 2401.6.) of 122 and 124 respectively that dealt with the military units in Britannia mention the cohors I Tungrorum without the milliaria sign, unlike the other units on the same diplomata. From this, the conclusion was drawn that the numerical strength of the unit was reduced to that of a cohors quingenaria. On the basis of an erroneous interpretation of the diplomata of Mautern (THALLER,  1952, 87‑98; CIL, XVI, 174) and Stein (RMD, 93), it was assumed that a vexillatio of the unit was transferred from Britannia to Noricum for a considerable length of time. This meant that the cohors I Tungrorum (like the cohors II Tungrorum and the cohors IV Tungrorum) would have been split up during the reign of Hadrianus.

Recent research has shown, however, that on the diplomata of both Mautern and Stein the cohors II Tungrorum should be read. The diploma of Mautern is broken just before the number I. A restoration of T or ET was proposed here by H.Thaller (1952, 93). The suggestion of CIL, XVI, 174 however, that this reference is to the cohors II Tungrorum rather than the cohors I Tungrorum is confirmed by the diploma of Stein. That document is also fragmentary. Cohors I Tungrorum is not the preferred restoration, however. Unless the units were not arranged in numerical order, it more likely refers to a vexillatio of the cohors II Tungrorum. As a result there is no reason to assume that a vexillatio of the cohors I Tungrorum was stationed in Noricum or had even left Britannia. In addition, H.Thaller (1952, 93) and R.Saxer (1967, 28-29) had assumed that the diploma of Eining (IBR, 513; CIL, XVI, 94.) of 147 referred to a vexillatio of the cohors I Tungrorum rather than of the cohors II Tungrorum. This view is also outdated now in the light of the new insights with regard to the diplomata of Mautern and Stein.

Attention also needs to be given to some other inscriptions. A dedication inscription of Carrawburgh (WRIGHT, 1966, 218, nr. 5; DAVIES, 1967, 108‑111.) on Hadrian's Wall seems to imply that the cohors I Tungrorum helped with the construction of the fort during the reign of Hadrianus (117‑138). Archeological research has indicated that the works themselves did not begin before 129. It is problematical, however, that the unit at that time was already a cohors milliaria and as a result could not be billeted at Carrawburgh in full strength. The camp only had room for a cohors quingenaria.

The inscription of Castlecary (CIL, VII, 1099; RIB, 2155; DAVIES, 1967, 110.), located in the north of Scotland, proves that the unit also helped there in the construction of the Antonine Wall. The inscription can be dated between 138 and 161. R.W.Davies (1967, 110) suggests a date of 142 when other auxiliary troops were used for the construction of castella along the new border. The exceptional position of the milliaria sign is noticeable at the very end of the inscription. This unusual place caused R.W.Davies (1967, 110) to suggest that the inscription belonged to the period in which the vexillatio had just returned from the presumed stay in Noricum in connection with the invasion of Scotland. Here also, the presence of a complete cohors milliaria is problematical since the fort of Castlecary, as that of Carrawburgh, only had room for a cohors quingenaria.

Thus these sources seemed to imply that the cohors I Tungrorum was not always present in Britannia in full strength. That is not correct, however. What reconstruction of the history of this unit can be given? There is attestation to its presence in Vindolanda from ca. 90 to maybe 140, taking into consideration a possible brief interruption between 90 and 105. Detachments were involved in the construction of the castella of Carrawburgh and Castlecary. Sending out such detachments in Britannia itself could be a possible explanation for the absence of the milliaria sign on the diplomata of Brigetio and Stannington, and the strange position of the milliaria sign on the inscription of Castlecary. That such missions were not unusual is proven by the Vindolanda tablet nr. 88/841 (A.R. BIRLEY, 1991, 16‑20; BOWMAN & THOMAS, 1991, 62‑73; BOWMAN & THOMAS, 1994, 90-98) that can be dated between 92 and 97 AD. If this date is correct, the cohors will have garrisoned Vindolanda after the enlargement of the fort (BOWMAN & THOMAS, 1994, 22). This report of the numerical strength of the cohors I Tungrorum shows indisputably that a substantial part of a unit could be away on a mission, evidently even for a long period of time. In addition, it is possible that the diploma of Wroxeter (CIL, XVI, 82; RMD, II, p. 130, n. 47; RIB, II, 1, 2401.8.) of 135 refers to the cohors I Tungrorum milliaria.

According to A.K.Bowman and J.D.Thomas (1983, 119) it is plausible that the cohors I Tungrorum milliaria was directly transferred from Vindolanda to Housesteads, which was perfectly suited for a cohors milliaria peditata, and was billeted there as the first unit. The transfer might have taken place shortly after 140. From there detachments were also sent out, possibly to Birdoswald and later to Scotland. The discovery of the diploma of Vindolanda (ROXAN, 1985, 93‑102; RMD, 97; RIB, II,1, 2401, 9.), just a few kilometres southwest of Housesteads from the year 146 and issued to a soldier of the cohors I Tungrorum supports this view. The restoration of the milliaria sign can also be considered to be probable, but is not certain. E.Birley (1974, 511-513) assumed that the unit was not transferred to Housesteads until the reign of Severus.

The cohors II Tungrorum milliaria equitata c.l.

Unlike the cohors I Tungrorum, the cohors II Tungrorum sent a vexillatio from Britannia to Noricum and Raetia during the first half of the second century. This detachment would not return until the year 155‑157. The cohors also appears in the diplomata as vexillatio just as, for example, the cohors IV Tungrorum milliaria vexillatio. The opinion of D.J. Knight (1991, 204) that the cohors II Tungrorum possibly 'was transferred in its entirety and divided between Noricum and Raetia, which would at least explain its absence from British diplomas' can not be retained.

On the basis of the restoration of the diploma of Straubing (RADNÓTI, 1961, 93 sqq; SCHILLINGER‑HÄFELE, 1977, 583, 254; RMD, 25), it was originally assumed that a vexillatio of the unit was already stationed at Raetia in 121/125, together with a vexillatio (?) of the cohors IV Tungrorum. Furthermore, H.U.Nuber (1969, 181) postulated that on the basis of a comparison of the diplomata of Straubing and Manching (NUBER, 1969, 178‑181; RMD, 32), dated between 125/128, the presence of this vexillatio in Raetia from 121 to 128 could be assumed. That would mean that the vexillatio cohortis II Tungrorum had been stationed in that province since the time of Hadrianus and possibly operated there until at least 147, including a brief stay in Noricum. Since the restoration of the diploma of Straubing by U.Shillinger‑Häfele (1977, 583), these theses can no longer be retained. That means that this vexillatio must also be dropped from the diploma of Manching, which in the final analysis is also substantiated by the diploma of Künzing (DIETZ, 1988, p. 137‑155; AE, 1988, 903). The diplomata of Mautern (128/138) and Stein (135/138) show that the vexillatio cohortis did operate in the province of Noricum during this period. It is not known where it was stationed, however.

The presence of the unit in Raetia is attested in the diploma of Eining of 147. It probably replaced the vexillatio of the cohors IV Tungrorum which appears for the last time on the diploma of Oberschneiding (KELLNER, 1981, 132‑133; 1983, p. 165‑1­72; 1984, 706; RMD, 94) of 138‑140. Moreover, the vexillatio cohortis II Tungrorum is certainly not attested by the diploma of Gnotzheim that was originally dated 139‑141. H.‑J.Kellner (1966, 92) and H.U.Nuber (1969, 182-183) assumed the presence of the cohors in Raetia during this period on the basis of this diploma, among other things. M.M.Roxan (1979, 75-78) has convincingly shown, however, that this document should be placed between 154‑161. This means that the detachment was no longer present in Raetia at that time.

E.Stein (1932, 221) supposed on the basis of the diploma of Regensburg that the vexillatio of the cohors II Tungrorum could still be considered to be one of the fourteen cohortes of the military force in Raetia in 153. For a long time it was also assumed that the unit also could be restored on the diploma of Owen, also from 153. The presence of this vexillatio on both diplomata is not probable, however, since it is no longer included in the diploma of 153/157 or in the subsequent diplomata of Raetia. According to A.Radnóti (1961, 109) and R.W. Davies (1967, 109), the vexillatio may have been stationed in the castellum of Eining during its stay in Raetia, since it was exceptionally small (1.83 ha.) and may have been expressly built for this unit. In any case, the small size makes the castellum ideally suited for a vexillatio.

During the years 155‑157, the Romans in Britannia had to deal with the revolt of the Brigantes. Because of these difficulties various troop movements took place. The return of the vexillatio II Tungrorum from Raetia is probably to be seen in this light.

The cohors IV Tungrorum milliaria

This unit was certainly stationed in the province of Raetia after 121/125. Its presence there is first attested by the diploma of Straubing. The numerical strength of the cohors or possibly an honorary name are unclear at the moment.

Originally R.W.Davies (1967, 109), D.J.Breeze (1974, 146) and others assumed that the cohors was stationed in Raetia in its entirety and from there sent a vexillatio to Maurentania Tingitana, its presence being attested there after 154. This view can no longer be maintained, however, for two reasons. The diplomata of Manching (125/128?), Künzing (before 147) and Oberschneiding (138/140) mention in every case, with or without reconstruction of the text, a vexillatio of the cohors IV Tungrorum. Considering the fact that these diplomata always mention a vexillatio, the diploma of Straubing is probably also referring to the vexillatio cohortis IV Tungrorum. As a result, there is no clear attestation to the unit in its complete numerical strength on a single diploma of Raetia. It is possible that the vexillatio was sent to Raetia from Noricum where the entire unit was stationed during the end of the first and the beginning of the second century.

Thereafter, the unit left Raetia before the middle of the second century when it was replaced by a vexillatio of the cohors II Tungrorum. It is mentioned for the last time in the diploma of Oberschneiding of 138/140 and in any case never appears on the diplomata of Raetia after the diploma of Eining of 147.

A. Radnóti (1961, 101-102) suggested that, if the castellum of Theilenhofen could already receive troops in the time of Hadrianus, one could assume that the cohors IV Tungrorum was stationed there for a short time.

In the province of Mauretania Tingitana the presence of the cohors IV Tungrorum is attested for the first time in the diploma of Souk‑el‑Arba (RMD, 48) of 154. The diplomata militaria of Rabat (THOUVENOT, 1949, 332; THOUVENOT, 1951, 165; CIL, XVI, 181; IAM, II, 242.) and Volubilis (CIL, XVI, 182; IAM, II, 809), both from the year 156/157, mention a vexillatio of the cohors. This means that the diploma of Souk‑el‑Arba probably also refers to a vexillatio. It is possible that the unit was transferred there in response to one of the many local revolts. M.Lenoir (1983-1984, 222) places the arrival of the vexillatio in Mauretania Tingitana in the context of the military reinforcements that were transferred to that province ca. 145/147 at the request of T.Varius Clemens with a view to the Moorse campaigns of Antoninus Pius. This in all probability refers to the same vexillatio as the one that was stationed in Raetia and was replaced there by the vexillatio cohortis II Tungrorum. It is possible that the diploma of Baelo Claudia - Cadiz (JACOB, 1984, p. 7‑16; RMD, 2, 107) from the year 161 still mentions the vexillatio of this cohors.

A second diploma found at Volubilis (LENOIR, 1983‑1984, 219 sq.; AE, 1985, 992) that definitely is to be dated after 161, mentions the unit again at full numerical strength. It is not known exactly when the reunion took place. Nor is it known from which province the second part of the unit came. The cohors is in any case still at full strength when an altar (AE, 1966, 606; IAM, 824) was set up in honour of Severus Alexander (222‑235). At that time it was stationed in the castellum of Aïn Schkour, north of Volubilis, where it replaced the cohors I Asturum et Gallaecorum.

Conclusion: stationing places and mobility of the vexillationes

What conclusions can be drawn on the basis of this information? Let us consider the mater in its entirety. In the organisation of the Roman army mobility was considered to be a key concept. The Roman units were actually mobile, offensive troops that – at least during the early Principaat – always stood ready to proceed to any front whatever. For many auxiliary units a high level of mobility is indeed observed. And, although the underlying motive and the immediate occasion often remain hidden, H.Nesselhauf (1960, 169) concludes that a concrete military motive was certainly at the base of these movements, rather than a principle that regular mutations kept the troops alert.

The vexillationes of the auxilia Tungrorum can be viewed as a prototype of auxiliary troops in general. In the first place, the general mobility of the auxilia Tungrorum was quite great, both within one province and among the provinces. The exceptional mobility in the first century seems to taper off in the second century in favour of a consolidation of the positions.

It is indeed reasonable to expect that during the pax Romana the condition at the borders of the empire would be stabilised and that this would be translated into a decrease in the mobility of the troops. This is indeed the case in the course of the second century for the exercitus of Germania Superior, for example, and it reflects the lack of disturbances at that front line.

It also seems that the auxilia Tungrorum were seldom transferred from one province to another. The vexillationes, however, were still quite mobile. The following table illustrates this fact.

The general motive for the mutations of these vexillationes is not realy clear. A possible explanation is that when the Roman army organisation called on military units with specialised capabilities, they used detachments with a numerical strength of a cohors quingenaria. It is assumed that the cohortes Tungrorum, like the Batavi, possessed special abilities in the area of amphibious operations such as the crossing of rivers and swamps. Possibly the various movements are to be seen in the light of this. We do not have concrete proof of this, however.

In this context it is more important to note that the Tungri were certainly excellent cavalrymen. Three alae and one cohors equitata were enlisted from this tribe. In addition, one finds Tungri in the ala Afrorum Veterana, the ala Augusta, the ala I Hispanorum milliaria, the ala I Hispanorum Aravacorum and probably in the equites singulares Augusti at Rome. Finally, a Tunger served as cavalryman in the cohors I Asturum equitata. This cannot be accidental.

When we consider the separate units, we need to examine the following points more closely. On the basis of the general mobility concept, detachments without specific reference to vexillationes were also sent from the units. The Vindolanda tablet 88/841, the interim report concerning the numerical strength of the cohors I Tungrorum, is one of the most important documents in this regard. Going on the numerical strength and the command structure that were reported in it, it is clear that ca. 92-97 AD, when the cohors I Tungrorum had a numerical strength of 752 men including six centuriones, 456 men including five centuriones were away on missions! Among them, 46 soldiers had been assigned as singulares legati to the officium of Ferox and a detachment of 337 men had been sent to Coria (Corbridge). According to E. Birley, R. Birley and A. Birley (1993, 7-8) these men could be new recruits undergoing an intensive training. Missions of such detachments seem to have been the rule rather than the exception. This ascertainment also solves some of problems with regard to billeting, at Carrawburgh and Castlecary, for example. Originally it was assumed, as mentioned, that a vexillatio both from the cohors I Tungrorum milliaria and from the cohors II Tungrorum was transferred from Britannia to Noricum. This hypothesis was based, however, on an erroneous reading of the diplomata of Mautern and Stein. An accurate analysis of the inscriptions now appears to indicate that the cohors I Tungrorum milliaria was always present in Britannia in full strength.

Let us return to the vexillationes themselves for a moment. From the cohors I Tungrorum there is therefore no attestation of a vexillatio stricto sensu outside of Britannia. During the second quarter of the second century the cohortes II et IV Tungrorum did send out vexillationes. A vexillatio of the cohors II Tungrorum was sent from Britannia to Noricum (128/138 to ca. 140). It is not clear, however, whether a connection is to be sought with the fact that the cohors IV Tungrorum evidently sent a vexillatio from Noricum to Raetia (121/125 to 138/140). Possibly this mutation to Raetia is to be viewed in the context of the military reforms of Hadrianus. In any case, the emperor made a trip through Germania Superior and Raetia in 121, the provinces for which this military reorganisation was of great importance, and in which he would have given special attention to the strengthening of the limes (CASSIUS DIO, LXIX, 9, 1-4; KELLNER, 1971, 209). It is also noteworthy in this context that the vexillatio cohortis IV Tungrorum in Raetia was replaced again by the vexillatio cohortis II Tungrorum that was transferred from Noricum (ca. 140 ‑ ca. 153). The vexillatio cohortis IV Tungrorum was itself transferred to Mauretania Tingitana (145/147 ‑ 161).

A thorough study of the diplomata has enabled us to better define the role of the cohors IV Tungrorum in Noricum, Raetia and Mauretania Tingitana. The movements of the cohors IV Tungrorum very probably took place in response to local revolts, a that time in Mauretania Tingitana. The transfer of the vexillatio cohortis IV Tungrorum from Raetia to that province is to be situated in the context of the military reinforcements that took place in 145/147 at the request of T.Varius Clemens (ROXAN, 1973, 840; LENOIR, 1983-1984, 222). When the unit was returned to this province in full strength at an unknown time after 161, this again suggests according to M.M.Roxan (1973, 841) the necessity of taking measures with regard to possible revolts of the local tribes.

Troop movements usually had a military motive. The mobility within the same province was illustrated in an impressive way by the recently published Vindolanda tablet 88/841. It provides a completely new and penetrating insight into how a cohors milliaria functioned. Such units were certainly not static elements. They possessed a dynamic capability that made such missions a regular occurrence rather than an exception. In the course of the second century this dynamism remained clearly present in the troop movements under the impulse of the military situation.

Bibliography

1. Inscriptions and tabellae.

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Studies about the cohortes Tungrorum.

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General.

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